1 Interview with Dr. Pauline Stitt, 9 December 1977, p. 11. Women in Medicine Oral History Project, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives.

2 Emma Walker, a graduate of Smith College and Johns Hopkins Medical School, was a member of the New York State Association Opposed to the Extension of the Suffrage to Women. See New York Times, 15 March 1905.

3 Bertha Selmon, “Pioneer Women in Medicine,” Medical Women’s Journal 56 (January 1949): 48.

4 Henry Hartshorne, M.D., Valedictory Address to the Graduating Class of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia, 1872, p. 6.

5 Burton J. Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism (New York: W. W. Norton, 1976).

1 Keller, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania Alumnae Transactions, 1906, 36 (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions).

2 Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, 8 November 1869, clipping in Eliza Jane Wood Alumnae File, Medical College of Pennsylvania (MCP) Archives.

3 See Keller, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1906, p. 36, and also Anna Manning Comfort, “Struggles and Trials of the Pioneer Medical Woman,” Syracuse Sunday Herald, 22 February 1903, clipping in Comfort MSS, Syracuse University.

4 Clipping, n.d., Wood File, MCP Archives.

5 Leslie’s Illustrated News, 16 April 1870.

6 Saur, “Physicians and Their Duties,” Thesis, 1871; Hunt, “The True Physician” Thesis, 1851, both in MCP Archives.

7 Preston, Valedictory Address (Philadelphia: A. Ketterlinus, 1858), 8.

8 See Richard B. Morris, Studies in the History of American Law (New York: Columbia University Press, 1930), 128-29; Elizabeth A. Dexter, Colonial Women of Affairs (Boston & New York: Houghton Mifflin, 1924), and Career Women of America: 1776-1840, (Francestown, N.H.: Kelley, 1950); Julia C. Spruill, Women’s Life and Work in the Southern Colonies (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1938). For more recent versions of this argument see Gerda Lerner, “The Lady and the Mill Girl,” American Studies 10 (Spring 1969): 5-15; Roger Thompson, Women in Stuart England and America (London: Routledge and Kegan Paul, 1974); and Mary Ryan, Womanhood in America (New York: New Viewpoints), 1975.

9 O. T. Beall, Jr., and R. H. Shryock, Cotton Mather: First Significant Figure in American Medicine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1954), 66ff.

10 Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, A History of Women in Medicine: From the Earliest Times to the Beginning of the ]9th Century (Haddam, Conn.: Haddam Press, 1938), 487. See also Linda Kerber, Women of the Republic: lntellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), 58; Mary Beth Norton, Liberty’s Daughters, The Revolutionary Experience of American Women 1750-1800 (Boston: Little, Brown, 1980), 139-40.

11 Mary Putnam Jacobi, “Woman in Medicine,” in Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Woman’s Work in America (New York: Henry Holt, 1891), 141.

12 Catherine Scholten, “ ‘On the Importance of the Obstetrick Art’: Changing Customs of Childbirth in America, 1760-1825,” William and Mary Quarterly 34 (July 1977): 426-45; Judith W. Leavitt, “ ‘Science’ Enters the Birthing Room: Obstetrics in America Since the Eighteenth Century,” Journal of American History 20 (September 1983): 281-304.

13 Quoted in Scholten, “On the Importance of the Obstetrick Art,‘ ” 430. See also Richard Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660-1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1960), 15; and Jane Bauer Donegan, Women and Men Midwives: Medicine, Morality and Misogyny in Early America (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978).

14 Norton, Liberty’s Daughters, 139-40; Jacobi, “Woman in Medicine,” 141; Donegan, Women and Men Midwives, 90; Shryock, Medicine and Society, 15.

15 Norton, Liberty’s Daughters, and Kerber, Women of the Republic, both argue this point of view. See also Laurel Ulrich, Good Wives: Image and Reality in the Lives of Women in Northern New England, 1650-1750 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1982).

16 Louis B. Wright and Marion Tinling, eds., The Secret Diary of William Byrd of Westover, 1709-1792 (Richmond, Va.: The Dietz Press 1941), 79. Quoted in Leavitt, “ ‘Science’ Enters the Birthing Room,” 282. See also Ulrich, Good Wives, and Scholten, “ ‘On the Importance of the Obstetrick Art,’ ” passim.

17 Leavitt, “ ‘Science’ Enters the Birthing Room,” 282. See also Richard W. Wertz and Dorothy C. Wertz, Lying-In: A History of Childbirth in America (New York: Free Press, 1977). For female culture see Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth-Century America,” Signs 1 (Autumn 1975):1-29; and Nancy Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977).

18 Ulrich, Good Wives, 132-33.

19 Kerber, Women of the Republic, 58.

20 Shryock, Medicine and Society, 1-43; Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1968), 1- 31 ; Martin Pernick, “A Calculus of Suffering: Pain, Anesthesia and Utilitarian Professionalism in 19th-Century American Medicine” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1978), 18-21.

21 Shryock, Medicine and Society, 9.

22 Ibid., 1-43; Whitfield J. Bell, Jr., “A Portrait of the Colonial Physician,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 44 (Fall 1970):497-517; John Duffy, The Healers (Urbana : University of Illinois Press, 1979), 17-23.

23 For a more detailed discussion of English and American developments in obstetrics see Donegan, Women and Men Midwives, 38-88, on which much of this account relies.

24 Donegan, Women and Men Midwives, and Leavitt, “ ‘Science’ Enters the Birthing Room,” both skillfully describe this transition. See also Edna Manzer, “Woman’s Doctors: The Development of Obstetrics and Gynecology in Boston, 1860-1930” (Ph.D. diss., University of Indiana, 1979).

25 Donegan, Women and Men Midwives, 132.

26 Scholten, ” ‘On the Importance of the Obstetrick Art’ “ 438-40; Leavitt, ” ‘cience’ Enters the Birthing Room,” passim. For an excellent article that specifically addresses the reality of women’s control over parturition in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, see Judith Leavitt and Whitney Walton, ” ‘Down to Death’s Door’: Women’s Perceptions of Childbirth in America,” in Judith W. Leavitt, ed., Women and Health in America (Madison : University of Wisconsin Press, 1984), 155-65.

27 Kerber, Women of the Republic, passim; Norton, Liberty’s Daughters, 110, 295; Mary Ryan, Womanhood in America, 3rd ed., (New York: Franklin Watts, 1983), 69-111.

28 Alexis de Tocqueville, Democracy in America, ed. Richard D. Hefner (New York: New American Library, 1956), bk. 3, chap. 41, 244.

29 Kerber, Women of the Republic, 205; Alice Rossi, The Feminist Papers (New York: Columbia University Press, 1973), 21.

30 Kerber, Women of the Republic, 282ff.

31 Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood, 5-18; Nancy Cott, ”Passionlessness: An Interpretation of Victorian Sexual Ideology, 1790-1850,”Signs 4 (Winter 1978): 219-36.

32 Cott, The Bonds of Womanhood, 5-18. See for example, Daniel Scott Smith, ”Family Limitation, Sexual Control, and Domestic Feminism in Victorian America” in Mary Hartman and Lois Banner, eds., Clio’s Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women (New York: Harper & Row, 1974).

33 John Ware, Remarks on the Erriployment of Females as Practitioners in Midwifery, By a Physician (Boston, 1820). See also Manzer, ”Woman’s Doctors,” 15-20.

34 See Donegan, Women and Men Midwives, 164-96.

35 Charles Meigs, Females and Their Diseases (Philadelphia, 1848), 19, 20-21.

36 Cott, ”Passionlessness,” 236. See also Charles Rosenberg and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, ”The Female Animal: Medical and Biological Views of Woman and Her Role in Nineteenth-Century America,” Journal of American History 60 (September 1973): 332-56; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, ”The Cycle of Femininity : Puberty and Menopause in Nineteenth-Century America,” Feminist Studies 1 (Winter 1973): 58-72. Ultimately, the increasing rigidity of this point of view provoked a rebellion from feminists. See Regina Markell Morantz, ”The ‘Connecting Link’: The Case for the Woman Doctor in 19th-Century America,” in Sickness and Health in America, ed., Judith Leavitt and Ronald Numbers (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), 120 25 ; and William Leach, True Love and Perfect Union: The Feminist Reform of Sex and Society (New York: Basic Books, 1980), 19-80.

37 Thomas Ewell, Letters to Ladies, Detailing Important Information Concerning Themselves and Infants (Philadelphia, 1817).

38 See, for example, Samuel Gregory, Letters to Ladies in Favor of Female Physicians (New York, 1850).

39 Ware, Remarks, 3, 16.

40 Ibid., 6, 7, 9.

41 Ibid., 21, 4. See also Morantz, ”The ‘Connecting Link,’ ” 117-18.

42 Ware, Remarks, 7.

1 Ann Preston, ”General Diagnosis,” 1851; Angenette A. Hunt, ”The True Physician,” 1851; both theses in Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP).

2 Marie Louise Shew, Water Cure for Ladies,: A Popular Work on the Health, Diet and Regimen of Females and Children, revised by Joel Shew, M.D. (New York: Wiley & Putnam, 1844), 20, 23.

3 Angenette Hunt, ”The True Physician;” Nichols, ”Woman the Physician,” Water-Cure Journal 11 (1851): 74-75 (hereafter cited as WCJ).

4 Richard Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660-1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1960), 125.

5 Martin Pernick, ”Medical Profession: I: Medical Professionalism,” in Encyclopedia of Bioethics, ed. Warren T. Reich (New York: Free Press, 1978); and Pernick, ”A Calculus of Suffering: Pain, Anesthesia and Utilitarian Professionalism in 19th-Century American Medicine”(Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1978), Intro. and chap. 1, 1-17.

6 Jeffrey L. Berlant, Profession and Monopoly (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1975), quoted in Pernick, ”A Calculus,” 128.

7 Mary Gove Nichols, ”Woman the Physician,” WCJ 12 (1851):3.

8 See Pernick, ”A Calculus,” 112-71.

9 Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1976); Robert P. Hudson, ”Abraham Flexner in Perspective: American Medical Education 1865-1910,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 56 (November-December 1972): 545-61.

10 See Pernick, ”A Calculus,” 25; William B. Walker, ”The Health Reform Movement in the United States, 1830-1870” (Ph.D. diss., Johns Hopkins University, 1955); Ronald Numbers, “Do It Yourself the Sectarian Way,” in Medicine Without Doctors, ed., R. Numbers, J. Leavitt, and G. Risse (New York: Science History Publications, 1977), 49-72; Joseph Kett, The Formation of the American Medical Profession (New Haven,: Yale University Press, 1968), 97-164; Martin Kaufman, Homeopathy in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1971); James Harvey Young, The Toadstool Millionaires: A Social History of Patent Medicines in America Before Federal Regulation (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1961).

11 Megali Larson, The Rise of Professionalism (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1977), 133.

12 The best treatments of the health-reform movement include William B. Walker, “The Health Reform Movement in the United States, 1830-1870”; Richard Shryock, ”Sylvester Graham and the Popular Health Movement, 1830-1870,” in Medicine in America, Historical Essays (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1966), 111-25; John Blake, ”Health Reform,”in E. S. Gaustad, ed., The Rise of Adventism: Religion and Society in Mid-Nineteenth Century America (New York, Harper and Row, 1974), 30-49; H. E. Hoff and J. Fulton, ”The Centenary of the First American Physiological Society Founded at Boston by William A. Alcott and Sylvester Graham,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 5 (October 1937):687-734; Stephen Wilner Nissenbaum, ”Careful Love: Sylvester Graham and the Emergence of Victorian Sexual Theory in America, 1830-1840” (Ph.D. diss., University of Wisconsin, 1968); James C. Whorton, “Christian Physiology: William Alcott’s Prescription for the Millenium,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 49 (Winter 1975):466-81, and Crusaders for Fitness: A History of American Health Reformers (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1982). Two lively popular works are James Harvey Young, The Toadstool Millionaires; and Gerald Carson, Cornftake Crusade (New York: Rinehart and Co., 1967). The public health movement is dealt with in Charles and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “Pietism and the Origins of the American Public Health Movement: A Note on John H. Griscom and Robert W. Hartley,” Jour. Hist. Med. 23 (1968): 16-35; Richard. H. Shryock, “The Early American Public Health Movement,” in Medicine in America, 126-38; John D. Davies skillfully chronicles the phrenology movement in Phrenology: Fad and Science (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1955). Of related interest is R. Laurence Moore, ln Search of White Crows: Spiritualism, Parapsychology and American Culture (New York: Oxford University Press, 1977); and most of the essays in Guenter Risse, Ronald Numbers, Judith Leavitt, eds., Medicine Without Doctors: Home Health Care in American History (New York: Science History Publications, 1977).

13 WCJ 7 (1849): 18. The Seventh Day Adventist publication The Health Reformer claimed 11,000 subscribers in 1868. See Ronald L. Numbers, “Health Reform on the Delaware,” New Jersey History 92 (September 1974); 7.

14 Advocate of Moral Reform, 15 June 1839. For the convergence of health reform with other reform movements see Robert S. Fletcher, “Bread and Doctrine at Oberlin,” Ohio State Archeological and Historical Quarterly 49 (January 1940): 58-67. Sidonia E. Taupin, ” ‘Christianity in the Kitchen,’ or A Moral Guide for Gourmets,” American Quarterly 15 (1963): 85-89; Thomas H. LeDuc, “Grahamites and Garrisonites,” New York History 20 (April 1939): 189-91; Michael Katz, The Irony of Early School Reform (Boston: Beacon Press, 1968). For a thoughtful and highly provocative treatment see Ronald G. Walters, “The Erotic South: Civilization and Sexuality in American Abolitionism,” American Quarterly 25 (May 1973): 177-201; and American Reformers 1815-1860 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1978). Also innovative is William Leach, True Love and Perfect Union: The Feminist Reform of Sex and Society (New York: Basic Books, 1980).

15 See Martha Verbrugge, “The Ladies’ Physiological Institute: Health Reform and Women in Ante-bellum Boston” (Paper delivered at Third Annual Berkshire conference on Women’s History, Bryn Mawr, June 1976). The one exception to this middle-class analysis may have been the Thomsonians, a health-reform sect which has been tentatively linked to working-class elements. I would contend that the Thomsonians do not fall out of the mainstream of the movement because health reform could very well have played a similar role in “modernizing” American workers in the antebellum period as I will argue it played for the middle class. As Paul Faler and Alan Dawley have shown, the internalization of “modern” values often transcended class divisions. See “Working Class Culture and Politics in the Industrial Revolution: Sources of Loyalism and Rebellion,” Journal of Social History 9 (June 1976): 466-79. I am indebted to Irene Javors of City College for discussing her preliminary findings on the Thomsonians with me. See also Brian Harrison, Drink and the Victorians (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1971), for a similar approach to the British working class.

16 Mary Gove Nichols, Lecutres to Women on Anatomy and Physiology (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1846), 20.

17 William Applegate, A Defense of the Graham System of Living (New York: W. Applegate, 1835), 23; Shew, Water Cure for Ladies, 14, 15. See also Mary Gove Nichols, A Woman’s Work in Water Cure and Sanitary Education (London : Nichols, 1874), 80.

18 See Thomas L. Nichols, Eating to Live: The Diet Cure (New York: M. L. Holbrook & Co., 1881); also WCJ 25 (1858): 53, an article by Dr. N. Bedortha of the Saratoga Springs water cure in which this general view was somewhat modified.

19 Shew, Water Cure for Ladies, Preface, p. iii; Mary Gove Nichols, Lectures to Women, 20.

20 “Duties of Physicians,” WCJ 21 (1856): 55-56.

21 “Old School Medical Journals,” WCJ 9 (1850): 181; Aurelia Raymond, “Thesis on the Human Brain,” 1864, MCP Archives.

22 For the influence of the Enlightenment see Alice Felt Tyler, Freedom’s Ferment (New York: Harper & Row, 1944). For Christian perfectionism see Whorton, “ ‘Christian Physiology,’ ” 466-81. For the decline of heroic therapeutics see Shryock, Medicine and Society, 117-32. For antielitism see Richard Shryock, “Cults and Quackery in American Medical History,” Middle States Association of History and Social Studies Teachers, Trans. 37 (1939): 19-30.

23 See Hebbel E. Hoff, M.D., and John F. Fulton, M.D., “The Centenary of the First American Physiological Society,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 5 (October 1939): 687-733.

24 Ibid., 701. For women’s role in the health reform movement see John Blake, “Mary Gove Nichols, Prophetess of Health,” in Proceedings of the American Philosophical Society 106 (June 1962):219-34; Ronald L. Numbers, Prophetess of Health: Ellen G. White (New York: Harper & Row, 1976); Regina Markell Morantz, “Nineteenth Century Health Reform and Women: A Program of Self-Help,” in Risse, Medicine Without Doctors, and “Making Women Modern: Middle Class Women and Health Reform in 19th-century America,” Journal of Social History 10 (June 1977): 113-20; Sarah Stage, Female Complaints: Lydia Pinkham and the Business of Women’s Medicine (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979).

25 Rev. H. Winslow, “Domestic Education in Females,” vol. 1 (1847): 259-61. The concept of the “republican mother,” which was given life during the antebellum period, gained momentum through several permutations until progressive era reformers and social workers recast it in the 20th-century notion of “educated motherhood.” See Linda Kerber, “Daughters of Columbia : Educating Women for the Republic, 1787-1805,” in Stanley Elkins and Eric McKitrick, The Hofstadter Aegis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1974), and Women of the Republic: Intellect and Ideology in Revolutionary America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1980), passim; Jill Conway, “Perspectives on the History of Women’s Education in the United States,” Hist. of Ed. Quart. 14 (Spring 1974): 1-12. For the progressive period see Sheila Rothman, Woman’s Proper Place (New York: Basic Books, 1978), 97-134. For an excellent discussion of the social and economic roots of American feminism, particularly the influence of education see Keith Melder, Beginnings of Sisterhood: The American Women’s Rights Movement, 1800 1850 (New York: Schocken, 1977).

26 Frances Dana Gage, WCJ 17 (1854): 35. On changes, particularly in New England, which touched the lives of many in the reform leadership see the thoughtful introduction by Michael Katz to Early School Reform. Also Stanley Engerman, ed., The Reinterpretation of American Economic History (New York, 1971); Stephen Thernstrom, Poverty and Progress (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1964); Stephen Thernstrom and Richard Sennett, eds., Nineteenth Century Cities (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1969). Three helpful works on the family are: Kirk Jeffrey, “The Family as a Utopian Retreat from the City,” Soundings (Spring 1972): 21-41; Kirk Jeffrey, “Family History: The Middle-Class American Family in the Urban Context, 1830-1870” (Ph.D. diss., Stanford University, 1971); Mary P. Ryan, ”American Society and the Cult of Domesticity” (Ph.D. diss., University of California at Santa Barbara, 1971). See also Bernard Wishy, The Child and the Republic (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1968); David J. Rothman, The Discovery of the Asylum (Boston: Little, Brown, 1971); and finally Mary Ryan, Cradle of the Middle Class: The Family in Oneida County New York, 1790-1865 (New York and Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1981).

27 Letters to the People on Health and Happiness (New York, 1856), 7; ”Shall Our Girls Live or Die,” Laws of Life 10 (1867): 2; ”To Sick Women,” WCJ 26 (1858): 96. See also Augustus K. Gardner, ”The Physical Decline of American Women,” WCJ 29 (1860): 21-22.

28 Striking evidence for the conviction of many women writers that their grandmothers enjoyed better health can be found in Catharine Beecher, Housekeeper and Healthkeeper (New York, 1873), 424-28. Another possible explanation for the increase in complaints is that women were no longer willing to tolerate their ill health. See also Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, ”The Hysterical Woman: Sex Roles and Role Conflict in’ Nineteenth-Century America,”Social Research 39 (Winter 1972): 652-78. A large number of well-known female activists had a variety of health problems. Lucy Stone and Alice Stone Blackwell both suffered from migraines; Angelina Grimké, Margaret Fuller, Caroline Dall, Clara Barton, Catharine Beecher, Ellen and Marian Blackwell, Harriet Beecher Stowe, and Elizabeth Oakes Smith, all complained of chronic poor health.

29 WCJ 15 (1854): 74, 94 (italics mine). WCJ 20 (1855): 74.

30 WCJ 15 (1853): 131. See also Harriet Austin, ”Woman’s Present and Future,” WCJ 16 (1853): 57.

31 ”Woman’s Dress,”WCJ 11 (1851): 30; ”The New Costume,” WCJ 12 (1851): 30; ”Science and Long Skirts,” WCJ 20 (1855): 7.

32 WCJ 16 (1853): 120; 11 (1851): 96, and passim. Most of the water-cure establishments encouraged their female patients to wear reformed dress. Almost every issue of any health reform journal had something about dress. The Water-Cure Journal and The Laws of Life showed special interest in dress reform; the Graham Journal and the American Vegetarian and Health Journal less frequently. Dress reform was also a popular topic in women’s rights journals like The Una, The Lily, and later The Revolution. Many of the articles in these journals pertaining to dress were written by health reformers. See especially WCJ 12 (1851): 33, 58; WCJ 34 (1862): 1-2; WCJ 15 (1853): 7, 10, 32, 34, 35, 131; WCJ 13 (1852): 111; The Laws of Life 10 (1867): 93-94, 129-30, 145-46; The Revolution 3 (1869): 149-50; Graham Journal 3 (1839): 301-2.

33 Boston: G. W. Light, 1839, pp. 265-66.

34 WCJ 1 (1846): 29.

35 See ”To Her Sick Sisters,” WCJ 26 (1858): 96; ”A Bloomer to Her Sisters,” WCJ 15 (1853): 131. There are many examples. For a possible meaning to this sense of community see Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, ”The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations Between Women in 19th Century America,” Signs 1 (Autumn 1975): 1-29. For Nichols’s quote see A Woman’s Work in Water Cure, 14. See also Mary Gove Nichols, ”To the Women Who Read the Water Cure Journal,” WCJ 14 (1852): 68: ”We do not consider ourselves doctors in the common understanding of the word—though we shall not neglect to do the highest good in this department, but we consider ourselves educators—set apart and qualified by Providence for the work. We will educate men and women for Physicians and Teachers of health, and young women to be wise wives and mothers. We will make the most beneficial impression on the world that is possible to us.”

36 Library of Health 2 (1838): 70, 367; 6 (1842): 156; 5 (1841): 40; Thomas L. Nichols, Health Manual: Being Also A Memorial of the Life and Work of Mrs. Mary S. Gove Nichols (London: Allen, 1887), 22; WCJ 1 (1846):93: 11 (1851): 29, 38, 93; 9 (1850): 90; 14 (1852): 56; 17 (1854): 46; 22 (1856): 131; 28 (1859): 57-58; 5 (1848): 83; Graham Journal 2 (1838): 37, 181, 288, 385; 3 (1839): 20, 37, 82; The Lily 3 (1851): 27; The Una 1 (1854): 206; 2 (1854): 263; Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 40 (1849): 107; 48 (1853): 443-44. See Martha Verbrugge, ”The Ladies’ Physiological Institute,”. Hers is the first local study we have of the rank and file. One suspects others will yield similar conclusions.

37 Chapters on Food, Cooking, and Domestic Economy in William A. Alcott, The Young Housekeeper (Boston: G. W. Light, 1849); ”Keep Your Children Clean,” Graham Journal 1 (1837): 176; ”Masturbation and Its Effect on Health,” Graham Journal, 2 (1838): 23. Mary Gove Nichols, Lectures to Women, passim. See also advertisement in the Graham Journal2 2 (1838): 288. For articles on fresh air and bathing, WCJ 3 (1847): 161-68, 177; WCJ 4 (1847): 193; pregnancy, exercise, and childbirth: WCJ 3 (1847): 145, 151, 183-84; ”Our New Cookbook,” ”How to Can a Fruit,” Laws of Life 10 (1867): 12: ”Cleanliness and Healthfulness,” Laws of Life 10 (1867): 16; ”Teething and Its Management,”“ ”Children’s Dress,” WCJ 12 (1851): 101, 104. Martha Verbrugge has also emphasized this practical dimension of the health-reform program. She contends that the Ladies’ Physiological Institute helped ordinary middle-class women adjust to the opportunities and the limitations imposed on them by modern life. Verbrugge is impressed less with the radical elements of the Boston group and more with the organization’s goal of easing women into traditional role patterns potentially disturbed by changing social conditions. Her study is significant because it suggests that health reform appealed to several different types of women. She argues, for example, that only a small minority of members of the Boston society were outspoken feminists. See Verbrugge, ”The Ladies’ Physiological Institute. ”

38 Thomas Low Nichols, ”The Curse Removed; The Efficacy of Water-Cure in the Treatment of Uterine Disease and the Removal of the Pains and Perils of Pregnancy and Childbirth” (New York, 1850), 13; Trail, ”Allopathic Midwifery,” WCJ 9 (1850): 121; Mary Gove Nichols, ”Maternity and the Water Cure for Infants” WCJ 11 (1851): 57-59; Eliza de la Vergue, M.D., ”Infants, Their Improper Nursing and Medication,” WCJ 20 (1855): 101. See an interesting autobiographical sketch by Mrs. Mary A. Torbit, ”Reasons for Becoming a Lecturer,” WCJ 14 (1851): 91.

39 Henry C. Wright, Marriage and Parentage (Boston, 1855; reprint, New York: Arno, 1974), 5.

40 Ibid., 91, 257. Also Orson Fowler, Love and Parentage (New York, 1847), 272-74, passim. See Linda Gordon, ”Voluntary Motherhood: The Beginnings of Feminist Birth Control Ideas in the United States,” in Mary Hartman and Lois Banner, eds., Clio’s Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 54-71, and Woman’s Body, Woman’s Right (New York: Grossman, 1976), 95-186. Not all advisors proscribed sexual intercourse without procreation. However all agreed that coitus should be approached with caution. Mechanical means of contraception were anathema because such methods degraded women by encouraging overindulgence.

41 Wright, Ibid., 5.

42 See Eliza B. Duffey, The Relations of the Sexes (New York, 1879), especially chapter 13, ”The Limitation of Offspring.” Although Carl Degler has rightly reminded us that some women did have orgasms in the nineteenth century (See Degler, ”What Ought To Be and What Was: Women’s Sexuality in the 19th Century,” American Historical Review, (19 December 1974), 1467- 1490.), I would suggest that female orgasm was inherently more problematical than that of the male and that the nineteenth century was generally ignorant of the more subtle nature of female sexual response. Marriage counselors in the 1920s and 1930s documented this widespread ignorance and tried to correct it. Alfred Kinsey’s statistics show a gradual increase in the number of married women achieving orgasm in the years after 1900. Carroll Smith-Rosenberg has examined possible differences in male and female approaches to sexuality in the nineteenth century in greater detail in a paper, ”A Gentle and A Richer Sex: Female Perspectives on Nineteenth Century Sexuality” (Third Berkshire Conference on Women’s History, Bryn Mawr, June 1976). See also Regina Markell Morantz, ”The Scientist as Sex Crusader: Alfred Kinsey and the American Culture,” Americarc Quarterly (Fall 1977), 563-89. See Duffey, Relations of the Sexes, chap. 13. It should be pointed out that most health reformers were also eugenicists. See Henry C. Wright, The Empire of the Mother Over the Character and Destiny of the Race (Boston, 1863).

43 Moreover, social reformers of all types recognized that large families hampered upward mobility. The reputation of the Irish for their alleged indulgence of the sensual passions was widespread. They had nothing but ”large,” ”dirty”families to show for it: ”Did wealth consist in children,” asserted the Common School Journal, ”it is well known, that the Irish would be a rich people; and if the old Roman law prevailed here, which granted special privilege to every man who had more than three, this people would be elevated into an aristocracy.” Quoted in Katz, Early School Reform, 123. Many of the early school reformers, including Horace Mann, had a lively interest in health reform. Largely because of this interest the Massachusetts legislature passed a law in 1850 requiring physiological instruction in the schools.

44 William Alcott, The Young Wife (Boston, 1837), 87-89; The Lily 1 (1849): 52; Nichols, Lectures to Women, 212, and ”Woman the Physician,” WCJ 12 (1851): 75; Jackson, ”The Women of the United States,” WCJ 26 (1858): 3, and ”Women’s Rights,” WCJ 31 (1861): 61. For an excellent summary of hereditarian views in this period see Charles Rosenberg, ”The Bitter Fruit: Heredity, Disease, and Social Thought in Nineteenth Century America,” Perspectives in American History 7 (1974): 189-238.

45 WCJ 1 (1846): 29.

46 For accounts of this ”modern” personality type see Peter Cominos, ”Late Victorian Respectability and the Social System,”: Int. Rev. of Soc. Hist. 8 (1963): 18-48, 216-50; Herbert Gutman, ”Work, Culture, and Society in Industrializing America,” AHR 78 (June 1973): 531-87; Michael Katz, Early School Reform; Alan Dawley and Paul Faler, ”Working Class Culture and Politics in the Industrial Revolution: Sources of Loyalty and Rebellion,” Journal of Social History 9 (June 1976): 466-79; James T. Fawcett, ”Modernization, Individual Modernity, and Fertility,” in J. T. Fawcett, ed., Studies in the Psychology of Population (New York, 1973); Alex Inkeles, ”The modernization of man,” in Modernization, the Dynamics of Growth (New York, 1966), 138-50, ”Making Men Modern: on the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six Developing Countries,” Am. Jour. of Soc. 75 (1969): 208-25, and Becoming Modern (Cambridge: Harvard University Press), 1974. Also Richard D. Brown, ”Modernization and the Modern Personality in America, 1600-1865,” Jour. of lnterdisc. Hist. 2 (Winter 1972): 201-27. ”Looking ... at the social habits of the working people in some of our densely populated districts, it does indeed appear a hopeless effort to attack their vices, unless one could at the same time pull down their houses, and build them others adapted to a more perfect state of bodily and mental health,” ”Sanitary and Social Reform Coeval,” by Mrs. Ellis in Practical Educator and Journal of Health 1 (1847): 354-55. Charles Rosenberg has made this same point in connection with 19th-century prescriptions for male sexual purity. See ”Sexuality, Class, Role,” American Quarterly 25 (May 1973): 131-53; also William Coleman, ”Health and Hygiene in the Encyclopedie : A Medical Doctrine for the Bourgeoisie,” Jour. Hist. Med. 29 (October 1974): 339-412, applies a similar argument to the French bourgeoisie. See S. Weir Mitchell, ”So great is my reverence for supreme wholesomeness, that I should almost be tempted to assert that perfect health is virtue.” Address on Opening of the Institute of Hygiene of the University of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1982), 4. A few health reformers merged the moral injunction to ”guard the health of the race” with overt nativism. ”Already,” warned James C. Jackson,

47 See Regina Markell Morantz, “Making Women Modern: Middle Class Women and Health Reform in 19th-Century America,” Journal of Social History 10 (June 1977): 113-20 for a fuller discussion of this point.

48 See Alice Kessler-Harris, “Stratifying by Sex: Understanding the History of Working Women,” Labor Market Segmentation, ed. Richard Edwards et al. (Lexington, Mass.: D.C. Heath, 1975), 217-42. I am indebted to my colleague David Katzman for the information about servants. For a stimulating discussion of the middle-class English woman’s involvement in health reform see Patricia Branca, Silent Sisterhood, Middle Class Women in the Victorian Home (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 1976), especially parts 2 and 3. Branca argues that middle-class Victorian women were the first large group to establish a modern outlook toward life and death.

49 William Leach has argued that some feminists even viewed natural rights exclusively in hygienic terms and relied heavily on ideological tools derived from science and hygiene rather than abstract principles of justice in their arguments for female equality. True Love and Perfect Union, 21.

50 Ellen Dubois, Feminism and Suffrage, The Emergence of an lndependent Women’s Movement in America, 1848-J869 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1980), 17; Carl Degler, At Odds (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980).

51 See for example Wright, Marriage and Parentage, 261-63.

52 WCJ 22 (1856):40; Orson Fowler, Sexual Science, or Manhood and Womanhood (Boston, 1869), 15. Russell Trail, founder of the Hygeio-Therapeutic College in New York, encouraged fraternization between the sexes at his school and often announced the marriages of graduates in the pages of the Water-Cure Journal. Several water-cure establishments were opened by couples, who graduated from the College. Trail kept track of the activities of these special students and heartily approved of their functioning as cooperative domestic and professional units. See WCJ 26 (1858):26, 27; WCJ 27 (1859):10. See also articles on “Man and Woman” in The Una, July, August, and September 1855, pp. 101, 118-19, 133-34.

53 See WCJ 21 (1856): 23; WCJ 20 (1855): 95; WCJ 17 (1854): 11; WCJ 26 (1856): 96.

54 “Woman’s Tenderness and Love,” WCJ 5 (1848): 95; William M. Cornell, M.D., “Woman the True Physician,” WCJ46 (1853): 82; WCJ 12 (1851): 73 75 ; M. G. Nichols, “Woman, the Physician,” WCJ 12 (1851): 73-75; “Female Physicians,” The Lily 1 (1849): 94; and 2 (1850): 39, 70, 77; “Female Physicians,” WCJ 31 (1861): 84; Augusta R. Montgomery, “The Medical Education of Women,” 1853, thesis, MCP Archives; Godey’s Lady’s Book 44 (1852): 185-89; 61 (1860): 270-71; 54 (1857): 371; 49 (1854): 80, 368, 456; The Revolution 1 (1868): 170, 201, 339; 3 (1870): 252; WCJ 13 (1852): 34-35, 86-87; 29 (1860): 2-3, 45; 31 (1861): 42; 28 (1859): 84. Report of the Ohio Female Medical Loan Fund Assocation, The Una, April 1855, p. 61.

1 Stephen Smith, M.D., “A Woman Student in a Medical College,” In Memory of Dr. Elizabeth Blackwell and Dr. Emily Blackwell (New York: Academy of Medicine, 1911), 3-19.

2 James J. Walsh, “Women in the Medical World,” New York Medical Journal 96 (1912):1324-28; Regina Markell Morantz, “The ‘Connecting Link’: The Case for the Woman Doctor in 19th-Century America,” in Judith Leavitt and Ronald Numbers, eds., Sickness and Health in America: Essays in the History of Health Care (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1978), 117-28.

3 The five “regular” schools were the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (1850 to the present); New England Female Medical College (1856-1873), which merged with the homeopathic Boston University; Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary (1868-1899); Woman’s Hospital Medical College of Chicago, later Woman’s Medical College of Northwestern University (1870-1902); and Woman’s Medical College of Baltimore (1882-1909). See Morantz, “” ‘Connecting Link,’ ” 117. The last statistic is taken from a survey done by W. C. Hunt, statistician, of Washington, D.C., reprinted in H. Scott Turner, “History of women in medicine,” Los Angeles J., Eclectic Med., 2 (1905): 125. Hunt claimed there were 7,387 women doctors in 1900. The number of male physicians in the United States in 1900 is in dispute. Census records set the figure at 132,002, the AMA at 119,749. See U.S. Bureau of the Census, Historical Statistics of the United States: Colonial Times to 1970 (Washington, D.C., 1975), part 1, pp. 75-76.

4 W. W. Parker, M.D., “Women’s Place in the Christian World: Superior Morally, -Inferior Mentally to Man—Not Qualified for Medicine or Law—the Contrariety and Harmony of the Sexes,” Tr. Med. Soc. St. Va., 1892, pp. 86-107.

5 Paul de Lacy Baker, “Shall Women be Admitted into the Medical Profession ^?” Tr. Med. Assn. St. Ala. 33 (1880):191-206. See also Julien Picot, “Shall Women Practice Medicine?” North Carolina Med. J. 16 (1885):10-21; N. Williams, “A Dissertation on Female Physicians,” read before the Clay, Lysander and Schroeppel (N.Y.) Medical Association, Boston Med. & Surg. J. 43 (1850):69-75; J. F. Ziegler, “Woman’s Sphere,” Presidential address to the Medical Society of Pennsylvania, Tr. Med. Soc. St. Penn. 14 (1882) :2₅- 38 ; Joseph Spaeth, “The Study of Medicine by Women,” Richmond & Louisville Med. J. 16 (1873):40-56; Men and Women Medical Students and the Woman Movement (Philadelphia, 1869), passim.

6 J. S. Weatherly, “Woman: Her Rights, and Her Wrongs,” Tr. Med. Assn. St. Ala. 24 (1872):63-80. For a reversal of the argument, defending female medical education as a step up from primitive brutality, see Edwin Fussell, Valedictory Address to the Students of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1857), 5-6.

7 Reynell Coates, Introductory Lecture to the Class of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1861), 3-4. See also articles cited in n. 4 and n. 5. “Female Physicians,” Boston Med. & Surg. J. 54 (1856): 169-74; and “Female Practitioners of Medicine,” Boston Med. & Surg. J. 76 (1867): 272-74.

8 Medical women, of course, claimed just the reverse. See Weatherly, “Woman : Her Rights,” 76; Sophia Jex-Blake, Medical Women: Two Essays (Edinburgh, 1872), 36; J. P. Chesney, “Woman as a Physician,” Richmond & Louisville Med. J. 11 (1871):6.

9 Elizabeth Blackwell, Pioneer Work in Opening the Medical Profession to Women (New York, 1895): 27.

10 See, for example, Elizabeth Blackwell, Address on the Medical Education of Women (New York, 1856), and Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, Medicine as a Profession for Women (New York, 1860).

11 Weatherly, “Woman: Her Rights,” 75.

12 Edmund Andrews, M.D., “The Surgeon,” Chicago Medical Examiner 2 (1861): 587-98, quoted in Martin Pernick, “A Calculus of Suffering: Pain, Anesthesia and Utilitarian rofessionalism in 19th Century American Medicine” (Ph.D. diss., Columbia University, 1978), 131; Newspaper clipping, n.d., Chadwick Scrapbook, Countway Library, Boston, cited in Mary Walsh, “Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply”: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 139. For a good discussion of doctors’ fears of feminization see Pernick, “A Calculus,” passim, and Walsh, Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply, 135-46.

13 Martin Kaufman, “The Admission of Women to 19th-Century American Medical Societies,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 50 (Summer 1976):251-59.

14 Boston Med. & Surg. J. 111 (1884):90; 40 (1849):505; 89 (1873):23; “The Practice of Midwifery by Females—By One of the Class,” Boston Med. & Surg. J. 41 (1849):59-61; Coates, Introductory Lecture, 3-4; D. W. Graham, “The Demand for Medically Educated Women,” JAMA 6 (1886):479.

15 E. H. Clarke, Sex in Education: A Fair Chance for Girls (Boston, 1983), 23; also Horatio Storer, “Letter of Resignation,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal75 (1866):191-92.

16 Clarke, Sex in Education, 41.

17 Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “Puberty to Menopause: The Cycle of Femininity,” in Clio’s Consciousness Raised: New Perspectives on the History of Women, ed. Mary Hartman and Lois Banner (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 1-22. The debate over premenstrual tension and the related effects of _‘woman’s cycle on her psyche still goes on in medical circles. See K. J. and R. J. Lennane, “Alleged Psychogenic Disorders in Women—a Possible Manifestation of Sexual Prejudice,” New Eng. J. Med. 290 (Feb. 8, 1973): 288-92.

18 “Female Physicians,” 169; Horatio Storer, “The Fitness of Women to Practice Medicine,” J. Gynec. Soc. Boston 2 (1870):266-67; and ibid., “Female Practitioners of Medicine,” 272-74; Lawrence Irwell, “The Competition of the Sexes and its Results,” read before the American Association for the Advancement of Science, August 1896, Am. Medico-Surg. Bull. 10 (1896):316-20; A. Lapthorn Smith, “Higher Education of Women and Race Suicide,” Popular Science Monthly 66 (1905):466-73; A. Lapthorn Smith, “What Civilization is Doing for the Human Female,” Tr. Southern Surg. & Gynec. Assn. 2 (1889):352-60; F. W. Van Dyke, “Higher Education as the Cause of Physical Decay in Women,” Med. Rec. 67 (1905) :29₆- 98 ; William Goodell, R. Gaillard Thomas, M. Allen Starr, J. J. Putnam, “Symposium on the Co-Education of the Sexes,” Med. News, N.Y. 55 (1889): 667-72; J. T. Clegg, “Some of the Ailments of Woman Due to Her Higher Development in the Scale of Evolution, Texas Hlth. J. 3 (1890- 1892):57-59; A. J. C. Skene, Education and Culture as Related to the Health and Diseases of Women (Detroit, 1889), 39.

19 M. Carey Thomas, ”Present Tendencies in Women’s College and University Education,” Educational Review 25 (1908): 58.

20 Mary Putnam Jacobi, The Question of Rest for Women During Menstruation (New York, 1877), 227. See also C. Alice Baker to Mary Putnam Jacobi, 7 November 1874, Jacobi MSS, Schlesinger Library, Radcliffe.

21 Emily F. Pope, M.D., Augusta C. Pope, M.D., and Emma Call, M.D., The Practice of Medicine by Women in the United States (Boston, 1881), 7.

22 See, for example, Elizabeth C. Underhill, M.D., ”The Effect of College Life on the Health of Women Students,” Woman’s Medical Journal (WMJ) 22 (February 1912): 31-33; Mary E. B. Ritter, M.D., ”Health of University Girls,” California State Medical Journal 1 (1902-3): 259-64; Clelia Mosher, M.D., ”Some of the Causal Factors in the Increased Height of College Women,” Journal of the American Medical Association 81 (August 1923): 535-38; and ”Normal Menstruation and Some Factors Modifying It,” Johns Hopkins Hosp. Bull. ,12 (1901):178-79; Elizabeth R. Thelburg, ”College Education a Factor in the Physical Life of Women,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1899, p. 73-87. See also Virginia Drachman, ”Women Doctors and the Women’s Medical Movement: Feminism and Medicine, 1850-1895,” (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York at Buffalo, 1976) for a somewhat different perspective.

23 See Joseph Longshore, Valedictory Address (Philadelphia: Penn Medical College, 1857), 20; Ann Preston, Valedictory Address, March 12, 1870 (Philadelphia : Women’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1870), 5-7; ”Appeal of the Corporators,” Eighth Annual Announcement of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, Deacon & Peterson, 1857), 16; Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, Medicine as a Profession, 4; Henry Hartshorne, Valedictory Address to the Graduating Class of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1872), 13-14; Louise Fiske-Byron, ”Woman and Nature,” N.Y. Med. J. 66 (1887):627-28. For Ruffin Coleman’s remark see ”Woman’s Relation to Higher Education and the Professions as Viewed from Physiological and Other Stand Points,” Tr. Med. Assn. St. Ala. 42 (1889): 233-47.

24 Emily Blackwell made this argument even before social Darwinism came into vogue: ”Mankind,” she confided to her diary, ”will never be what they should be until women are nobler.” Diary, 4 June 1852, p. 83, Blackwell MSS, Columbia University. See also J. Hyg. & Herald Hlth. 44 (1894):236; J. G. Kiernan, ”Mental Advance in Woman and Race Suicide,” Alienist and Neurologist 30 (1910): 594-99; Elizabeth Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 253; Agnes Johnson, ”Maternal Influence,” 1868, Thesis in the Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives.

25 23 May 1855, Hunt-Grimke Correspondence, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan.

26 There are hundreds like G. Fenning, Every Mother’s Book: or the Child’s Best Doctor, Being a Complete Course of Directions for the Medical Management of Mothers and Children (New York, n.d.); or D. Wark, The Practical Home Doctor for Women (New York, 1882). -

27 Chesney, ”Woman as a physician,” 4; Harriot Hunt address at the Worcester Women’s Rights Convention, 1850, in Proceedings of the Worcester Women’s Rights Convention (Boston: Prentiss & Sawyer, 1851), 46-47; Emmeline Cleveland, lntroductory Lecture to the Class of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1859), 7.

28 Elizabeth Blackwell, ”Criticism of Gronlund’s Co-operative Commonwealth; Chapter X—Woman,” given before the Fellowship of New Life, n.d., 9-10; The Influence of Women in the Profession of Medicine (London, 1889), 11; ”Anatomy,” Lecture Notes, n.d., all in Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress; Grimke to Hunt, 23 May 1855, Hunt-Grimke Correspondence, William L. Clements Library, University of Michigan.

29 Joseph Longshore, Introductory Lecture to the Class of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1859), 11; Joseph Longshore, The Practical Importance of Female Medical Education (Philadelphia, 1853), 6; Female Medical College of Pennsylvania, ”Appeal to the Corporators,”MCP Archives; Ann Preston, Valedictory Address to the Graduating Class of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1858), 9-10.

30 Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, Medicine as a Profession for Women (New York, 1860), 8-9; ”Appeal to the Corporators,” MCP Archives.

31 Georgiana Glenn, ”Are Women as Capable of Becoming Physicians as Men,” The Clinic 9 (1875):243-45; Jacobi, ”Inaugural Address,” Women’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, Chicago Med. J. & Exam. 42, (1881):580.

32 Samuel Gregory, ”Female Physicians,” The Living Age, 1862, pp. 73, 243- 49 ; Ann Preston, Introductory Lecture to the Course of Instruction in the Female Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1855), 12.

33 Longshore MSS, MCP Archives, 106.

34 Marie Zakrzewska to Elizabeth Blackwell, 21 March 1891, Blackwell MSS, Schlesinger Library.

35 Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 253; Emmeline Cleveland, Valedictory Address to the Graduating Class of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia, 1874), 3; Eliza Mosher, ”The Value of Organization—What it Has Done for Women,” WMJ 26 (1916): 1-4; James J. Walsh, ”Women in the Medical World,” N. Y. Med. J. 96 (1912): 1324-28.

36 Commencement of the Women’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, 25 May 1899, printed in Final Catalogue (New York, 1899). Also Emily Blackwell, Diary, October 1851, p. 47, Special Collections, Columbia University. Rarely until after 1900 does one come across the argument that medicine is enriching from the standpoint of personal development. It is primarily society which is to benefit; individuals gain because they are aiding society.

37 For use of the argument see J. Stainbeck Wilson, ”Female Medical Education,“ Southern Med. & Surg. J. 10 (1854): 1-17; Emmeline Cleveland, Valedictory Address to the Graduating Class of the Female Medical College of Pennsylvauia (Philadelphia, 1858), 10; Margaret Vaupel Clark, ”Medical Women’s Contribution to the Education of Mothers,” WMJ 25 (1915), 126- 28 ; Harriet Williams, ”Women in Medicine,” Texas Med. News 12 (1903): 613-15.

38 See Jacobi, ”Inaugural Address,” 561-85.

39 Frances Emily White, ”The American Medical Woman,” Med. News, N.Y. 67 (1895):123-28.

40 An interesting example of how conservative this type of argument can be is provided by the situation in India, Pakistan, and Iran, where the seclusion of women has existed for so long. Similar arguments for training a core of professional women to administer to an exclusively female clientele are extremely popular. See Hanna Papenek, ”Purdah in Pakistan: Seclusion and Modern Occupations for Women,”Journal of Marriage and the Family (August 1971), 517-30.

41 Helen Watterson, ”Woman’s Excitement over ’Woman‘,” Forum 16 (1893): 75-85; Mary Putnam Jacobi, ”An Address Delivered at the Commencement of the Women’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, May 30, 1883,” Arch. Med. 10 (1883):59-71; Marie Zakrzewska, Introductory Lecture Before the New England Medical College (Boston, 1859), 3-26; C. L. Franklin, ”Women and Medicine,” The Nation 52 (1891): 131.

42 Jacobi, ”Commencement Address,” 70.

1 Virginia Penny, The Employments of Women: A Cyclopedia of Women’s Work (Boston: Walker & Wise Co., 1863), 29.

2 Jacobi later described the school in Philadelphia as full of ”much zeal but little knowledge,” in ”Woman in Medicine,” Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Women’s Work in America (New York: Henry Holt, 1891), 157.

3 Roy Lubove, ”Mary Putnam Jacobi,”in Notable American Women, vol. 2, ed. Janet and Edward James (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), 263-65.

4 Patricia Spain Ward, ”Emmeline Horton Cleveland,” in Notable American Women, vol. 1, p. 349-50; Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 157.

5 Records of the Commissioner of Education, 1893 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1895).

6 From notes ”On the Education of Women Physicians,” n.d. but internal evidence suggests 1860, Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress. See also remarks of Blackwell’s friend and admirer, Dr. Eliza Mosher. ”Educated medical women touch humanity in a manner different than men; by virtue of their womanhood, their interest in children, in girls and young women, both moral and otherwise, in homes and in society.””The Value of Organization—What it Has Done for Women,” Woman’s Medical Journal, June 1916 (reprint in Archives of Medical College of Pennsylvania).

7 For a number of reasons, my analysis of the attitudes of the leaders of the movement to educate women in medicine will be confined to ”regular”physicians. Though there were more medical sectarians among female practitioners than among males, regular physicians still accounted for 75 percent of late 19th-century women doctors, and, of course, spokespersons from this group were the only individuals who commanded much respect from the orthodox professionals, who were, by the 1880s, rapidly gaining ascendancy. Estimates regarding the distribution of women physicians are drawn from the Records of the Commissioner of Education, 1889-1890, 1892-1893, 1895-1896, 1898- 1899, 1903 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office, 1891, 1894, 1897, 1899, 1904).

8 See Annie Sturgis Daniel, M.D., ”A Cautious Experiment: The History of the New York Infirmary for Women and Children and the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary,” Medical Woman’s Jourrtal 47 (February 1940); 40.

9 Blackwell, Pioneer Work in Opening the Medical Profession to Women (New York, 1895), 227-38.

10 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 176. For a discussion of Marie Zakrzewska’s similar views including an address on the subject to the New England Women’s Club see Agnes Vietor, A Woman’s Quest (New York: D. Appleton, 1924), 373-87, 398-411. Also Sarah Hackett Stevenson, ”Coeducation of the Sexes in Medicine,” in Physiology of Woman (Chicago: Fairbanks & Palmer, 1882), 143-70.

11 Dr. Owens-Adair: Some of Her Life Experiences (Portland, 1905), 90-91. A number of women, like Jacobi and Owens-Adair, after having received a degree from a woman’s school, attended a coeducational college for a second degree. Amanda Sanford, for example, who became a well-known general practitioner in upstate New York in the 1880s also attended the University of Michigan after spending time at the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania and apprenticing at the New England Hospital. Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America (New York: Froben Press, 1933), 48.

12 See Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 171; Elizabeth Blackwell, Address on the Medical Education of Women (New York, 1863), 8-9.

13 For Jacobi’s remark see ”Inaugural Address to the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, 1880,” Chicago Medical Journal and Examiner 42 (1881): 561-85.

14 For a survey of American medical education in the 19th century see Martin Kaufman, American Medical Education (Westport, Conn.: 1976). Also helpful is Frederick Norwood, Medical Education in the United States before the Civil War (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press 1944). For Baldwin’s remarks see Kaufman, Medical Education, 111. Finally, see Steven Smith, In Memory of Dr. Elizabeth and Dr. Emily Blackwell (New York: New York Infirmary, 1911), 3-4.

15 For Trail see Water-Cure Journal 26 (1858): 26, 27; 27 (1859): 10, and letter dated 7 August 1869 to The Revolution 1 (August 1869): 98; and Ronald Numbers, ”Health Reform on the Delaware,” New Jersey History 42 (September 1974): 5—12. Also Frederick C. Waite, ”Medical Education of Women at the Penn Medical University,” Medical Review of Reviews 39 (June 1933): 255-60; and ”American Sectarian Medical Colleges before the Civil War,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 19 (February 1946): 148-66.

16 Kaufman, Medical Education, 102.

17 Kaufman, Medical Education_; 94, 110. See also E. Ingals, M.D., ”A Review of the Progress of Medical Education in Chicago, with Some Suggestions for its Advancement,” Chicago Medical Journal and Examiner 42 (February 1881): 136-47; Thomas N. Bonner, ”Dr. Nathan Smith Davis and the Growth of Chicago Medicine, 1850-1900,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 26 (July-August 1952): 360-74.

18 Martin Kaufman, ”The Admission of Women to 19th-Century Medical Societies,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 50 (Summer 1976): 251-59.

19 See Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 237-38; Henry 1. Bowditch, ”The Medical Education of Women,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 101 (10 July 1879): 67-69; ”The Admission of Women to Harvard University,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 100 (5 June 1879): 789-91; ”The Admission of Women to Harvard Medical School,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 99 (4 July 1878): 30-31. For barring women from urology clinics at Johns Hopkins see Regina Markell Morantz, ”Oral Interview with Dr. Louise de Schweinitz,” p. 27, Woman in Medicine Oral History Project, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (hereafter cited as MCP).

20 Zakrzewska to Dall, 20 and 26 October 1867, Dall MSS, Mass. Hist. Soc. See also Mary Frame Thomas, ”The Influence of the Medical Colleges of the Regular School of Indianapolis on the Medical Education of Women of the State,” Indiana State Medical Society, Transactions 33 (1883): 228-38.

21 ”The Admission of Women to Harvard University,” Boston Medicaf and Surgical Journal 23 (5 June 1879): 789-91; ”Harvard Medical School and Women,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 21 (22 May 1879) 727-28. In the 1870s it was the supporters of women physicians who defended the quality of their training. When the Philadelphia Medical Society debated the admission of women in 1870, Dr. Atlee commented, ”These women’s colleges stand in many respects better than many of the colleges represented in the association; they give obstetrical and clinical instruction, as is not given in a majority of the colleges represented here.... By the rules of our medical association, I dare not consult with the most highly educated female physician, and yet I may consult with the most ignorant masculine ass in the medical profession.” Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 181.

22 See a history of the school with excerpts from Annual Reports and other primary material in Annie Sturgis Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,” MWJ 46 (August 1939): 231; 46 (October 1939): 298; 47 (February 1940): 40. See also Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 227-37; and Victor, A Woman’s Quest, 209-42.

23 See Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,” MWJ 46 (August 1939): 231, for excerpts for 1858 Annual Report.

24 Victor, A Woman’s Quest, 229.

25 The evolution of Blackwell’s thought on medical education for women, as well as her strong hostility to sectarians like Lozier can be traced in the following letters to her friend Barbara Bodichon: Jan. 14, 1861; June 9, 1863; January 18, 1865; May 23, 1865; October 28, 1868; June 23, 1868; and a letter addressed ”To the Reform Firm” June 3, 1858. Blackwell MSS, Columbia University. In a letter to James Chadwick, probably May 31, 1879, Mary Putnam Jacobi labeled Lozier a ”celebrated charlatan,” Chadwick MSS, Countway Library. For the barring of homeopathic women from the New England Hospital see NEH Physicians Minutes, 30 September 1877, Sophia Smith Collection.

26 Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,” MWJ 46 (February 1940): 40.

27 Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 237.

28 Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,” passim; Kaufman, Medical Education, 130; George W. Corner, Two Centuries of Medicine: A History of the School of Medicine, University of Pennsylvania, passim. For a detailed description of the curriculum see the New York Infirmary’s Annual Announcements by year, National Library of Medicine.

29 See Faculty Minutes, for November 1888 in Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,” MWJ 47 (September 1941): 272-88.

30 Kaufman, Medical Education, 130. It could be argued that women students had less choice in attending medical school and therefore the women’s schools were not plagued with a potential loss of students every time they raised their standards. But there were a number of coeducational sectarian schools with lower standards, and Lozier’s homeopathic woman’s. medical college competed with the New York Infirmary in New York City. Some women deliberately returned to a regular school after receiving a sectarian degree. See ”Autobiography of Elizabeth Cushier,” in Hurd-Mead, Medical Women, Appendix, 86-87. Cushier left Lozier’s New York Medical College to attend the New York Infirmary.

31 See text of Blackwell’s 1868 address to the Trustees in Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,”MWJ 47 (May 1940): 138. See Smith’s comments on the examining board in In Memory of Dr. Elizabeth and Dr. Emily Blackwell, 15.

32 S. Josephine Baker, Fighting for Life, (New York: Macmillan, 1939), 33-34.

33 Sarah Adamson (Dolley), the niece of Hiram Corson, impatiently left Philadelphia to attend the new eclectic Medical College at Syracuse a year before the school in Philadelphia was founded. She and her classmate Lydia Folger Fowler (the wife of the phrenologist Lorenzo Fowler) became the second and third women respectively to receive medical degrees in the United States. See Genevieve Miller, ”Sarah Adamson Dolley,” Notable American Women, vol. 1, p. 497-99. For a history of the Philadelphia school see Guilielma Fell Alsop, History of the Woman’s Medical College (Philadelphia: Lippincott, 1950).

34 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,”183.

35 Clara Marshall, The Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, An Historical Outline (Philadelphia: P. Blakiston & Son, 1897), 12.

36 Alsop, Woman’s Medical College, 49.

37 See Frances Emily White, ”The American Medical Woman,” Medical News (3 August 1895): 12, reprint in MCP Archives. See also Annual Announcements of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1867-1868, 1869- 1870, 1880-1881, 1888-1889, 1890-1891, MCP Archives. See Jacobi’s comments about the first three decades of the school’s history see ”Woman in Medicine,” 161-63, 170. Kaufman, Medical Education, 127-43.

38 Marshall, Woman’s Medical College, 61. See letters in Bodley and Marshall Correspondence, 12 November 1888; 25 February and 20 April 1889; 5 April 1889; 16 October 1890, MCP Archives.

39 Marshall to Brown, 5 June 1890, Marshall Correspondence, MCP Archives.

40 Marshall, Woman’s Medical College, 17.

41 Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America, 30, 69; and New York Infirmary Faculty Minutes, in Daniel, ”A Cautious Experiment,”Medical Woman’s Journal 48 (September 1941): 274. For a recent history of the teaching of obstetrics and gynecology see Lawrence Longo, M.D., ”The Teaching of Obstetrics and Gynecology” (Unpublished paper, 1978). There is good evidence that many physicians were aware of this superior training. See Dr. Atlee’s comments cited in n. 21.

42 Thomas N. Bonner, ”Mary Harris Thompson,” in Notable American Women, vol. 3, p. 454-55. Also The Woman’s Medical School of Northwestern University: The Institution and its Founders (Chicago: H. G. Cutler, 1896), esp. 39-53.

43 The Woman’s Medical School of Northwestern University: The Institution and Its Founders, includes partial excerpts from the annual announcements. The Annual Announcements of the Woman’s Medical College of Chicago, 1870 1892 can also be found in the National Library of Medicine.

44 See also Arthur Herbert Wilde, Northwestern University: A History, 1855 1905 (New York, 1905), 367-89; Charles Warrington Earle, M.D., The Demand for a Woman’s Medical College in the West (Waukegan, Ill., 1879); Helga M. Ruud, M.D., ”The Woman’s Medical College of Chicago,” MWJ 53 (June 1946): 41-46; and Eliza Root, ”Northwestern University Women’s Medical School,”Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 84-91 (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions).

45 The Announcement of the Woman’s Medical College of Baltimore (Baltimore, 1882), 5; ibid., 1888, p. 6. The National Library of Medicine has an incomplete but adequate collection of the Catalogues and Annual Announcements from 1882-1909.

46 Abraham Flexner, Medical Education in the United States and Canada (New York, 1910), 237; Lillian Welsh, M.D., Reminiscences of Thirty Years in Baltimore (Baltimore, 1925), 37.’ See also Claribel Cone, M.D., ”Report of the Woman’s Medical College of Baltimore,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 95-97; and Elizabeth Mason-Hohl, M.D., ”Woman’s Medical College of Baltimore,” MWJ 53 (December 1946): 58-63.

47 See Samuel Gregory, Man Midwifery Exposed and Corrected (Boston: George Gregory, 1848), and Letters to Ladies in Favor of Female Physicians (Boston: American Medical Education Society, 1850). See also George Gregory, Medical Morals (New York: George Gregory, 1853); and Frederick C. Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, 1848-1874 (Boston : Boston University School of Medicine, 1950).

48 Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 235-59.

49 Mary Roth Walsh, Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 71; Waite, History of the New England Female Medical College, passim. Also Helen M. Gassett, Categorical Account of the Female Medical College, to the People of the New England States (Boston, 1855). See also the Trustees Minutes, Faculty Minutes and Minutes of the Board of Lady Managers in the New England Female Medical College Archives, Boston University Library. Finally, see scrapbook entitled ”Historical Incidents of the New England Female Medical College,” uncatalogued, Countway Library, Harvard Medical School.

50 Catalogues can be found in the New England Female Medical College Archives, Boston University Library.

51 Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 251; James Cassedy, ”The Microscope in American Medical Science, 1840-1860,”lsis 67 (March 1976): 76-97.

52 Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 250; Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 145.

53 Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 272.

54 Ibid., 272-74.

55 See Virginia Drachman, Hospital with a Heart: Women Doctors and the Paradox of Separatism at the New England Hospital, 1862-1969 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984).

56 Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 282-83.

57 Ibid.

58 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 145; Vietor, A Woman’s Quest, 272, 282. Frances Emily White on the faculty of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania wrote that the New England College ”forfeited its claim on the regular profession by selling its birthright for a mess of homeopathic pottage.” ”The American Medical Woman,” Med. News, N.Y. 67 (1895): 123-28.

59 It is significant that Pennsylvania lacked even one medical school open to women in the 19th century.

60 Donald Fleming, William Welch and the Rise of Modern Medicine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1954), 77-118, is an excellent source for the study of Johns Hopkins hospital and medical school.

61 Fleming, William Welch, 96-99. Members of the committee included Mrs. Louis Agassiz, Mrs. S. Weir Mitchell, Mrs. Benjamin Harrison, Mrs. Alexander Graham Bell, Mrs. W. C. McCormick, Mrs. Grover Cleveland, Alice Freeman Palmer, Sarah Orne Jewett, Julia Ward Howe, Dr. Emily Blackwell, Mary Putnam Jacobi, Mrs. William Osier, Mrs. Leland Stanford, Mrs. James G. Blaine, as well as a smattering of Biddies, Drexels, Adamses, and Wideners. See pamphlet ”The Women’s Medical Fund and the Opening of the Johns Hopkins School of Medicine,” from an exhibit prepared by the Alan M. Chesney Medical Archives, Johns Hopkins, 1979. See also Allan M. Chesney, The Johns Hopkins Hospital and the Johns Hopkins University School of Medicine, A Chronicle, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1943), 193-222; and Caroline Bedell Thomas, M.D., ”How Women Medical Students First Came to Hopkins: A Chronicle,” Johns Hopkins Hospital Staff Newsletter, February 1975.

62 Fleming, William Welch, 100.

63 For enthusiasm for coeducation among women physicians see Sarah Hackett Stevenson, ”Coeducation of the Sexes in Medicine,” in Physiology of Woman (Chicago, 1882); S. Josephine Baker, Fighting for Life (New York: Macmillan, 1939), 25; Emily Dunning Barringer, From Bowery to Bellevue (New York, 1950), 57; Mary F. Thomas, ”The Influence of the Medical College on the Medical Education of the Women of the State,” Indiana State Medical Society, Transactions, 1883, pp. 33, 228-38.

64 Blackwell to Barbara Bodichon, n.d. 1860s, Blackwell MSS, Columbia University.

1 Transactions of the Alumnae Association of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions), Philadelphia, 1900, p. 145; Rachel L. Bodley, The College Story: Valedictory Address to the Twenty-Ninth Graduating Class of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (Philadelphia: Grant, Faires & Rodgers, 1881), 4-10. See also Emily F. and Augusta C. Pope and Emma L. Call, The Practice of Medicine by Women in the United States (Boston: Wright & Potter, 1881).

2 See WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1876-1910, passim; and Alumnae letters in papers of Woman’s Medical College of Northwestern University, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP). Also class histories in Woman’s Medical School Northwestern University (Woman’s Medical College of Chicago). The Institution and its Founders (Chicago, H. G. Cutler, 1896); Report of the Alumnae Association of the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary (New York, 1892), has accounts of each graduate since the first class.

3 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1901, p. 25ff.

4 For Barker and Cleveland see Alumna files, MCP Archives. See also Patricia Spain Ward, ”Emmeline Cleveland,” and Joan M. Jensen, ”Charlotte Blake Brown,”in Edward T. and Janet Wilson James, eds., Notable American Women, vol. 1 (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1971), 349-50, 251-53; Marion Hunt, ”Woman’s Place in Medicine: The Career of Dr. Mary Hancock McLean,” Mo. Hist. Soc. Bull., 36 (July 1980): 255-63; see also Alumnae Records, MCP and WMCP Alumnae Transactions, passim.

5 Necrology Report, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1902-1903, p. 31-32; and Elizabeth Putnam Gordon, The Story of the Life and Work of Cordelia A. Greene, M.D. (Castile, New York, 1925), 9.

6 Hunt, ”Woman’s Place”; WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1896, p. 23-24; Gloria Melnick Moldow, ”Promise and Disillusionment: Women Doctors and the Emergence of the Professional Middle Class, 1870-1900” (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1980), 54, 62, 76, 104; WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1925, p. 19-20 on Eleanor Jones, whose mother graduated in 1856.

7 Farrington to Amanda Blake, 24 July 1872, Charlotte Blake Brown MSS, San Francisco Historical Society.

8 Mary McKibben Harper, “Anna E. Broomall,” Med. Rev. of Reviews 29 (March 1933): 132-40.

9 Moldow, “Promise and Disillusionment,” iii-iv; Kahn-Binswanger file, MCP Archives; “Vivian Shirley Hears Way Woman Doctor Crashed Gate,” 1923 newspaper clipping on Mary Hood, American Medical Women’s Association Collection (hereafter cited as AMWA), Box 12, Folder 18, Cornell University Archives.

10 James Butler to Maggie Butler, 1 October 1896, Butler file, MCP Archives.

11 See Sarah Ernestine Howard MSS, especially for the years 1913-1918, Schlesinger Library.

12 Uncle Albert to Sabin, 29 September 1907, Sabin MSS, Smith College.

13 See Ruth Putnam, ed., Life and Letters of Mary Putnam Jacobi (New York: Putnam, 1925), especially letters dated 1 February 1867, p. 110; 13 January 1870, p. 233; 17 August 1869, p. 216; Undated, 1863, p. 67; 22 April 1867, p. 125; 29 May 1867, p. 141.

14 Martha May Eliot to parents, 14 July 1918, Eliot MSS, Schlesinger Library.

15 Fifty years later women were having the same financial difficulties. Rosalie Slaughter Morton commented in her autobiography, A Woman Surgeon (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1937), 23,

16 Cost estimate from Virginia Penny, Employments of Women: A Cyclopedia of Women’s Work (Boston, Walker Wise & Co., 1863), 25, 28. Women doctors were not the only ones to use teaching as a stepping stone to a different career. In her study of fifty-one feminist-abolitionists, Blanche Hersh found that at least half of them worked as teachers for some part of their lives. Usually it was on completion of their education and before they married, but they often used teaching to finance further education as well. Most feminists gave up because they found teaching narrow, low-paying, and unsatisfying. Sheila Rothman has pointed out that states so encouraged women in the 1850s and 1860s to become teachers and attend newly created normal schools that by the late 1880s there was a glut of teachers on the market and competition for jobs was severe. Women tended to move from teaching to reform activity or to other work still considered mainly in the female domain. See Hersh, ” ‘The Slavery of Sex’: Feminist-Abolitionists in Nineteenth Century America” (Ph.D. diss., University of Illinois, Chicago Circle, 1975), 287. See also Richard M. Bernard and Maris A. Vinovskis, “The Female School Teacher in Ante-Bellum Massachusetts,” Journal of Social History 10 (June 1977): 332-45; Keith Melder, “Woman’s High Calling: The Teaching Profession in America, 1830-1860,” American Studies 13 (Fall 1972): 19-32; Rothman, Woman’s Proper Place (New York: Basic Books, 1978), 60. Whatever the variety of individual motivation, the number of female medical graduates who began their professional careers as teachers remains striking. See for example the careers of the following graduates of the WMCP: Annette C. Buckel (1858), Susan Hayhurst (1857), Phoebe Oliver Briggs (1870), Eliza Judson (1872), Hannah Jackson Price (1881), Eliza Norton Lawrence (1887), Mary Erdman Greenwald (1892), Inez C. Philbrick (1891), Lillian Welsh (1889). This list is by no means exhaustive, nor must it be confined only to the graduates of one school. See alumnae folders and WMCP Alumnae Transactions. See also The Woman’s Medical School of Northwestern University, 90-157, for information on the graduates of that school, and Report of the Alumnae Association of the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, 1892, p. 17-33.

17 29 October 1881, Chadwick Notebook, uncatalogued, Countway Library, Harvard Medical School. See the letters written to Clara Marshall, Marshall MSS, passim, but especially letters of Lillian Phlegan, 17 February 1891; Marcia P. Rogers, 7 April 1890; Mary E. Hoyt, 24 January 1891.

18 See the alumnae folders of Annette Buckel (1858), Martha E. Lovell (1899), Emma M. Richardson (1898), Alice M. Seabrook (1895), Margaret Cleaver-Parrott (1895), Olive Steinmetz (1900). See also the letters of inquiry from nurses in the Clara Marshall MSS, especially Emily W. Owen to Marshall, 17 September 1890; Ellen Wagner to Marshall, 18 August 1890; Mary G. Fowler to Marshall, 8 May 1891. See WMCP Alumnae Transations, 1929, p. 19, for necrology report on Mary Evelyn Brydon. Jane E. Robbins’s parents (New York Infirmary, 1890) preferred that she study medicine to becoming a nurse. “Memoirs of Student Days,” AMWA Collection, Box 12, Folder 26, Cornell University.

19 “Woman in Medicine,” in Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Woman’s Work in America (New York: Henry Holt, 1891), 199.

20 Long to Marshall, 13 August 1890, Marshall MSS; Dean to Marshall, 17 June 1890. See others, Marshall MSS, passim, MCP Archives.

21 Thompson to Marshall, 19 February 1897, Marshall MSS, MCP Archives.

22 Godey’s Lady’s Book 44 (1852): 185-190, 288; 46 (1853): 551-53; 49 (1854): 80, 368, 458; 54 (1857): 371; 61 (1860): 270-71.

23 Agnes Victor, ed., A Woman’s Quest, The Life of Marie Zakrzewska, M.D. (New York: D. Appleton, 1924), 124-25, 137, 203, 206-7, 210. Elizabeth Blackwell, Pioneer Work in Opening the Medical Profession to Women (London : Longmans, Green, 1895; reprint, New York: Schocken, 1977), 194-96.

24 See article on Mosher “The Oldest Woman Doctor Diagnoses Life,” in New York Times, 29 March 1925.

25 Anne Walter Fearn, My Days of Strength (New York: Harper Bros, 1939), 11.

26 Bertha Van Hoosen, Petticoat Surgeon (Chicago: Pellegrini & Cudahy, 1947), 56.

27 Rosalie Slaughter Morton, A Woman Surgeon (New York: Frederick A. Stokes Company, 1937), 17. For Mendenhall see Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography in Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College.

28 Mary Bennett Ritter, More Than Gold in California, 1849-1933 (Berkeley: Professional Press, 1933), 155; Fearn, My Days of Strength, 12.

29 This calculation was made from charts constructed from the available information on alumna at the WMCP. Gloria Moldow found the average age at graduation of women physicians in Washington, D.C. to be thirty-five years. Moldow, “Promise and Disillusionment,” 39.

30 See Longshore MSS, MCP Archives; on Wanzer see Bull. of the San Francisco County Medical Society 3 (November 1930): 19; on Higgins see Claire Still, “The Medical School’s First Alumna” in Stanford, M.D. 15 (Spring 1976): 27-28; for Price see oral recollections of her daughter, Katharine Price Hubbell in Alger MSS, Schlesinger Library. For Binswanger-Kahn see biographical sketch in her file written by her sister Fanny, MCP Archives.

31 “The Oldest Woman Doctor Diagnoses Life,” New York Times, 29 March 1925.

32 Mary Maples Dunn, “Saints and Sisters: Congregational and Quaker Women in the Early Colonial Period,” American Quarterly 30 (Winter 1978): 582- 601.

33 Nancy Cott, “Young Women in the Second Great Awakening in New England,” Feminist Studies 3 (Fall 1975): 14-29; and Mary Ryan, “A Woman’s Awakening: Evangelical Religion and the Families of Utica, New York, 1800-1840,” American Quarterly 30 (Winter 1978): 602-23.

34 Mary Ryan’s contention that women, “in addition to constituting the majority of revival converts, were also instrumental in a host of other conversions among their kind of both sexes,” seems to be borne out, at least in part, by the religious events of Cordelia Greene’s adolescence. See Ryan, “A Woman’s Awakening,” 604, and Gordon, Cordelia A. Greene, 6-7.

35 M. S. Legan, “Hydropathy in America,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 45 (May 1971): 267-80.

36 Gordon, Cordelia A. Greene, 12.

37 Ibid., 16-17, 44-45.

38 l6id., 87, 177.

39 I am indebted to Joyce Antler for helping me clarify this point. See the files of Ida Richardson, Elizabeth D. Kane, Sara C. Seward, and the numerous medical missionaries at the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania. Alumnae files, MCP Archives. See also the biographical sketches of the many women physicians listed in Francis Willard and Mary Livermore, eds., American Women: 1500 Biographies (New York: Mast, Crowell & Kirkpatrick, 1897), passim; Harriet Hunt’s autobiography, Glances and Glimpses (Boston: Jewett and Co., 1856), 109; and Olive Floyd, Doctora in Mexico (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1944), the story of an 1897 graduate of the WMCP who spent most of her time practicing in Mexico, where her husband and she were missionaries.

40 Ronald Hogeland, “Coeducation of the Sexes at Oberlin College: A Study of Social Ideas in Mid-19th century America,” Journal of Social History (Winter 1972): 160-76 and 164. Also Robert S. Fletcher, A History of Oberlin College (Oberlin: Oberlin University Press, 1943), 640ff.; and Fletcher, “Oberlin and Coeducation,” Ohio State Archeological and Historical Quarterly, January 1938, pp. 1-19.

41 Hogeland, “Coeducation,” 166; Fletcher, A History, 291, 382.

42 Rachel Bodley, Memoir of Emmeline Horton Cleveland (Philadelphia: 1979), 6.

43 See WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 203. Jacobi wrote of Cleveland that she was “a woman of real ability, and would have done justice to a much larger sphere than that to which fate condemned her.” She was “possessed of much personal beauty,” Jacobi recalled, but was “compelled by the slender resources of the college to unite the duties of housekeeper and superintendent to those of professor. She not unfrequently passed from the lecture room to the kitchen to make the bread for the students who boarded at the institution.” “Woman in Medicine,” Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Women’s Work in America (New York: Henry Holt, 1891), 158.

44 Religious women physicians like Emma Walker, Mary Wood-Allen, and Valeria Parker became lecturers for the American Social Hygiene Association in the 1920s. 13 January 1870, in Life and Letters of Mary Putnam Jacobi, ed. Ruth Putnam (New York: Putnam, 1925) 233; Belcher to Eliza Johnson, 1 December 1878, 16 September 1883, Belcher letters, in private possession of her grandniece, S. Alice McCone.

45 Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 27; Mosher Diary, Eliza Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections; Hunt, Glances, 110, 126.

46 Emily Dunning Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 28.

47 Manuscript Autobiography, chap. 1, p. 35, Anna Wessel Williams MSS, Schlesinger Library.

48 Davis file, MCP Archives.

49 Clipping from New Orleans Picayune, 22 February 1920, entitled “Woman Doctor Celebrates her 100th Birthday,” in Ellen Taft Grimes file, MCP Archives.

50 WMCP Alumnae Transactions 1890, p. 27.

51 See for McCarn-Craig, WMPC Alumnae Transactions 1906, p. 29. For Winslow see Moldow, “Promise and isillusionment,” 274; Cleaves, Biographical Cyclopedia of Homeopathic Physicians and Surgeons (Philadelphia, 1873), 264-65; Woman’s Journal 10 (December 1982): 404. For Stinson, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1889, p. 27. Mary Bennet Ritter also suffered from ill health, Ritter, More Than Gold, 169-70, as did Caroline Smith (see folder, MCP Archives) and many early health reformers, including Mary Gove Nichols and Paulina Wright Davis. Stinson graduated from the WMCP in 1869.

52 Petticoat Surgeon, 54-55.

53 Williams, Typescript Autobiography, chap. 2, p. 39, Schlesinger Library.

54 McGee to father, 7 June 1884; “Woman” Idea Book, December 1894; Notes, Anita Newcomb Mcgee MSS, Library of Congress. See Belva Lockwood, “My Life as a Lawyer,” in Lippincott’s (June 1888), 215-29, cited in Moldow, “Promise and Disillusionment,” 2, who makes exactly this point.

55 Faculty Minutes, 1876, MCP Archives.

56 Petticoat Surgeon, 63.

57 More Than Gold, 156.

58 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1890, p. 32.

59 Florence Hazzard, “Heart of the Oak,” Typescript Biography of Eliza Mosher in Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections, chap. 3, p. 10.

60 It was quite common for women doctors to treat family members and women friends. See Bertha Van Hoosen’s dramatic story of the delivery of her niece in Petticoat Surgeon, 100-102. See also Helen Morton MSS, Schlesinger Library, passim; Harriet Belcher Letters, (in private hands), passim.

61 “A Woman Doctor Who Stuck it Out,” Literary Digest, 4 April 1925, p. 66, 67,69.

62 Typescript Autobiography, chap. 3, p. 5. See also Jane E. Robbins (New York Infirmary, 1890), “Memoirs of Student Days,” AMWA Collection, Box 12, Folder 26, Cornell University.

63 Letter from Preston to ? dated 22 January 1854, Preston, MSS, MCP Archives.

64 See various anecdotes about Cleveland in Bodley, Memoir of Emmeline Horton Cleveland, passim; Typescript from memorial meeting in Broomall’s behalf, Broomall file; MCP Archives.

65 Letter dated 28 February 1938 to Dean Tracy, Rita S. Finkler File; Oral interview conducted by author with Katherine Boucot Sturgis, 11 July 1977, p. 31; Women in Medicine Oral History Project; all in MCP Archives.

66 Williams, Typescript Autobiography, chap. 5, p. 8.

67 Belcher to Eliza Johnson, 1 December 1878, Belcher Letters; Dorothy McGuigan, A Dangerous Experiment, 100 Years of Women at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1970), 32 and chap. 7; Alumnae Questionnaire, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections. For Van Hoosen remark see Hazzard, “Heart of the Oak,” chap. 3, p. 28, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

68 Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography, 10, Smith College.

69 Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography, 8, Smith College.

70 Letters dated 16 October 1871, 6 January 1872. See also Petticoat Surgeon, 66.

71 John B. Gabel, ed., “Medical Education in the 1890’s: An Ohio Woman’s Memories,” Ohio History 87 (Winter 1978): 61.

72 Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography 2-21, Smith College.

73 Ibid., 22.

74 Corner to Eleanor Bleumel, 19 September 1955, Box 30, Sabin MSS, Smith College.

75 3 February 1915, Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library.

76 More Than Gold, 161.

77 Mosher Alumnae Questionnaire, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

78 Hazzard “Heart of the Oak,” chap. 3, p. 27, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

79 Dr. Alice Ballou Eliot to Elinor Bleumel, 20 September 1955. See also Dr. Josephine Hunt to Bleumel, 25 September 1955; Dr. Ellen Finley Kiser to Bleumel, n.d., Box 30, Sabin MSS, Smith College.

80 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1905, p. 36. In 1923 Potter was appointed by Governor Gifford Pinchot the Secretary of Welfare of the State of Pennsylvania and became the first woman state cabinet officer. Pinchot enjoyed calling her the “best man in my cabinet.” See brief Biographical Notes by Catharine Macfarlane, Potter MSS, MCP Archives.

81 Martha May Eliot to Papa, 11 October 1919; Howard to parents, 6 February 1915; both in Eliot MSS, Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library.

82 October 1913, Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library.

83 Bowery to Bellevue, 99.

84 Fighting For Life (New York: MacMillan, 1939), 64.

85 Gabel, ed., “Medical Education,” 59, 58.

86 26 September 1880. See also her letters home in the early years of practice, 25 July and 12 August 1893, 14 September 1894; Van Hoosen MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

87 Gabel, ed., “Medical Education,” 65.

88 See WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1895, p. 124.

89 16 July 1893, Hamilton MSS, Schlesinger Library.

90 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 98. See also statement by Alice Higgins, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1890, p. 27. The question of confidence is complicated, however, because women’s schools also seemed to suffer from a sense of inferiority.

91 Letter to family, 1 December 1872. See also letters, 1872-1875, passim.

92 Manuscript Autobiography, 31, Mendenhall MSS, Smith College.

93 12 November 1916, Eliot MSS, Schlesinger Library.

94 12 February 1916, Eliot MSS, Schlesinger Library.

95 Wherry to Elinor Bleumel, 17 September 1955; Herrinton to Bleumel, 26 October 1956; both in Box 30, Sabin MSS, Smith College. See also the letters of Sarah Ernestine Howard and Martha May Eliot, and Mendenhall’s Manuscript Autobiography for continual references to relationships between the women students.

96 To Elinor Bleumel, 25 September 1955, Box 30, Sabin MSS, Smith College.

97 To mother, 2 May 1915, Eliot MSS, Schlesinger Library; Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography, n.p., Smith College.

98 Mendenhall, Manuscript Autobiography, 13.

99 Ibid., 15.

100 Genevieve Garcelon to Bleumel, 16 September 1955, Sabin MSS, Smith College.

101 Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography, section F, 1-10. Smith College.

102 Alan M. Chesney, M.D., The Johns Hopkins Hospital and the Johns Hopkins School of Medicine, a Chronicle, vol. 1 (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1943), 10.

103 Elinor Bleumel, Florence Sabin, Colorado Woman of the Century (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1959), 62.

104 18 February 1916; 11 March 1916; both in Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library.

105 Dorothea Rhodes Lummis Moore, MSS, Huntington Library, San Marino, California.

106 Blackwell, Pioneer Work, 28; Williams, Typescript Autobiography, chap. 2, p. 36. Also scattered notes, n.p., passim; Williams MSS, Schlesinger Library.

107 25 January 1916; 13 February 1914, Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library.

108 13 February 1915, Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library. Neither Howard nor Eliot ever married.

109 Hazzard, “Heart of the Oak,” chap. 3, p. 15.

110 Bowery to Bellevue, 57.

111 Alumnae Questionnaire in Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

112 Caroline H. Dall, ed., A Practical Illustration of Woman’s Right to Labor (Boston: Walker, Wise and Co., 1860), 2.

113 11 December 1854 to “Very dear friend,” Woman Physicians File, Smith College.

114 Gertrude Baillie, M.D., “Should Professional Women Marry?” Woman’s Medical Journai 2 (February 1894): 33-35.

115 Marie Elizabeth Zakrzewska: A Memoir (Boston, The New England Hospital for Women and Children, 1903), 22; Elizabeth Cady Stanton, Eighty Years and More (New York: Schocken, 1971), 172; Harriet Belcher to Eliza, 5 February 1879, Belcher Letters, in private hands; 9 April 1916, Howard MSS, Schlesinger Library.

116 Notes, Folder 61, Williams MSS, Schlesinger Library.

117 Notes, Clelia Mosher MSS, Stanford University Library. For a wonderful example of how real these conflicts were for women physicians see the short story by Rosalie Slaughter (Morton), “One Short Hour,” written for Daughters of Aesculapius (Philadelphia: George Jacobs & Co., 1897), 66-79, a collection of fiction and non-fiction written by students and faculty of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania. In .this revealing narrative, a woman medical student in love is confronted by her fiance with the choice between marriage and medicine. Shocked and disappointed in her lover, the woman rises to her full height, crushing “the rose in her hand,” a gift from her betrothed, and as “its petals fell among the cups,” declares, “I have chosen, Howard,—farewell!” 79.

118 Harriet Belcher to Eliza Johnson, 18 February 1977, 10 August 1978, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

119 See Cordelia Greene, 20-21.

120 15 August 1885, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

121 Letters not dated, but between 1871-1876, Helen Morton Papers, Schlesinger Library.

122 Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Female World of Love and Ritual: Relations between Women in Nineteenth-Century America,” Signs 1 (Autumn 1975): 1-20; Nancy Sahli, “Smashing: Women’s Relationships Before the Fall,” Chrysalis 2 (Summer 1979): 17-27. See, in the Ada Pierce McCormick, MSS, MCP Archives, Musson to Ada Pierce, undated, 1910, and Clark to Ada, 6 January 1914. Among the better known women physicians for the nineteenth and early twentieth century, the Pope sisters lived together, Elizabeth Keller lived with Lucy Sewall, Martha Tracy, dean of WMCP, lived with her dear friend Ellen Potter, also on the faculty, and Ethel Dun-ham lived with Martha May Eliot.

123 Marie Elizabeth Zakrzewska, A Memoir, 29.

124 Mendenhall Manuscript Autobiography, 18, Smith College.

125 See the alumnae folders of Edith Schad (1890), Mary G. Erdman (1892), Lorilla F. Bullard Tower (1894), May Sibley-Lee (1884), Eliza M. Lawrence (1887), Mary L. McLean (1887), Julia Wyant Perry (1891), Martha Pike Sanborn (1893), Mararet Cleaver Parrot (1895), Rachel Stieren (1898), Caroline A. Stevens Frizzel (1875). See also WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1906, p. 32, for information on Tyson.

126 “Inaugural Address at the Opening of Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary,” October 1880, reprinted in the Women’s Medical Association of New York City, ed., Mary Putnam Jacobi: Pathfinder in Medicine (New York: G. P. Putnam, 1925), 390. For hints as to the tension in Jacobi’s marriage see a letter from her husband, Abraham Jacobi, to her dated simply “21 March.” Jacobi MSS, Schlesinger Library.

127 See Bodley’s survey, The College Story which indicates 27 percent, and Pope, Pope and Call, The Practice of Medicine, whose figure is 15 percent. My own calculations with the alumnae of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania show that approximately 337 out of 937 graduates in the years 1852-1900 married (about 35 percent). My suspicion is that marriage became slightly more common in the last two decades of the century, when the percentage of graduates who married rises from 33 percent (1852-1879) to 36 percent (1880-1900). Information was gleaned from the alumnae records and class lists printed in the Register of the Alumnae Association, Philadelphia, 1970. I included in the married group all hyphenated last names plus those few I knew to be married from other sources. Thus the list is conservative. For missionary couples see the WMCP alumnae files of Anna Jones Thoburn (1882), Margaret Cleaver Parrot (1895), Jenny Tylor Gordon (1892), Laura Hyde Roote (1883), Marion Fairweather Sterling (1885), Mary Le Burnham Ancell (1896). See also the obituary of Lucilla Green Cheney (1875) in WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1879, p. 12. The Woman’s Medical College of Chicago also trained a number of missionary couples. See The Woman’s Medical School of Northwestern University, 90ff., and 57. As for women who married doctors, calculations both from the WMCP alumnae files and the information in the WMCP Alumnae Transactions, revealed that approximately one-third (29) of the 86 women for whom there is complete information married doctors (34 percent). See the letters of inquiry both from doctors and doctors’ wives seeking information about matriculating at the school in the Clara Marshall Papers: Charles T. Watkins to Marshall, 31 March 1891; Clara E. Jones to Marshall, 2 February 1891; Thomas P. Carracott to Marshall, 27 August 1891; Alice A. Hungerford to Marshall, 31 October 1890; Mary A. Nutting to Marshall, 13 July 1888. On Longshore and Brown see Notable American Women and the manuscript biography of his wife by Thomas Longshore in the MCP Archives. For other women who attended medical school after marriage see news of Alice Higgins, Florence Preston Stubbs, and Gertrude M. Streeper, WMCP Alumnae Transactions. 1890, p. 26-27.

128 For 1900 see Statistics of Women at Work, Based on unpublished information derived from the schedules of the Twelfth Census, 1900 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1907). For 1910 and 1920, Fourteenth Census of the United States, vol. 4: “Population, 1920: Occupations” (Washington: Government Printing, Office, 1923). For 1930, Fifteenth Census of the United States, vol. 5 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1933). For 1940, Sixteenth Census of the United States, vol. 3 (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1943). For 1950, U.S. Census of Population, 1950, Special Reports : “Occupational Characteristics” (Washington: Government Printing Office, 1956).

129 See the round-robin letter in Mary Loog and Frances Ancell files dated 2 December 1945. See also files of Julia March Baird (1896), Orie Moon Andrews (1857), Elinor Galt-Simmons (1879), Katherine Brandt de Wolfe (1887). Also letters from Mary Beard to Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead referring to Mead’s husband suggests that Mead’s marriage too was both happy and productive. Mead MSS, all in MCP Archives. See finally, Rosalie Slaughter Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 142ff., for a description of her own marriage.

130 See the Thomas Longshore Manuscript Biography and Notes from interview with Longshore’s daughter, Mrs. Lucretia Blankenburg, Longshore MSS, MCP Archives; Oral Interview in 1979 with Mr. Stacy May. I am grateful to Ruth Abram for sharing this interview with me.

131 See WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1890, p. 26-27.

132 Memorial Addresses on the Life and Character of Dr. Esther Hawkes (Lynn, Mass.: Boy’s Club Press, 1906), 15.

133 More Than Gold, 238.

134 These dual career marriages included that of Drs. Charlotte and Fred Baker. Charlotte Johnson Baker had been inspired by Eliza Mosher to study medicine at Vassar when the latter served a term as resident physician there. Later Baker assisted Mosher at the Woman’s Reformatory Prison at Sherborn before attending the Michigan University Medical School. Baker practiced with her husband and had two children. See Willard and Livermore, American Women, vol. 1, p. 46.

135 Bowery to Bellevue, 67.

136 Yarros to Margaret Craighill, dean of WMCP, 6 March 1943, Yarros File, MCP Archives.

137 From newspaper clipping (name of paper and date missing) in Maria Hornet file, MCP Archives.

138 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1892, p. 24.

139 Lillian Welsh, Reminiscenses of Thirty Years in Baltimore (Baltimore: Norman, Remington, 1925) 44-45.

140 lbid.

1 For an overview of these changes see William G. Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century, From Sects to Science (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972); James G. Burrow, The American Medical Association: Voice of American Medicine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1973); Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971); L. James O‘Hara, “An Emerging Profession : Philadelphia Medicine, 1860-1900” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1976); Morris Vogel and Charles Rosenberg, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1980); George Rosen, The Structure of American Medical Practice, 1875-1941 (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania, 1983).

2 O’Hara, ”An Emerging Profession,” 30; Megali Larson, The Rise of rofessionalism (Berkeley; University of California Press, 1977), chap. 2.

3 Avery to Dall, 25 May 1862, 13 July 1862, Caroline Dall MSS, Massachusetts Historical Society.

4 Emily F. and Augusta Pope, and Emma L. Call, The Practice of Medicine by Women in the United States (Boston, 1881).

5 Transactions of the Alumnae Association of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1906, p. 32, and 1907, p. 25 (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions).

6 See Mary R. Dearing, ”Anita Newcomb McGee,” in Edward T. and Janet James, eds., Notable American Women (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1975), 464-66; and Anita Newcomb McGee and Simon Newcomb MSS, Library of Congress; Rosalie Slaughter Morton, A Woman Surgeon (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1937), 23.

7 Van Hoosen to sister, 22 July 1890, 26 October 1892, 2 November 1892; Van Hoosen to parents, 10 April 1893, 9 July 1893, 28 July 1893; and to sister 9 February 1899; all in Van Hoosen MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

8 Belcher to Eliza, 10 August 1878, 5 February 1879, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

9 Belcher to Eliza, 13 July 1879, 16 November 1879, 1 and 9 February 1880, 11 July 1880, 6 March 1881, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

10 2 February 1882, 30 November 1882, 20 January 1884, 15 March 1885, 4 October 1885, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

11 From 1938 (no other date) clipping from Philadelphia Daily Ledger, in Reel Folder, Alumna Files, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP Archives), WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1888, p. 16-17; Annual Report of the New England Hospital, 1875, p. 17.

12 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1894, p. 52, and 1892, p. 22; The Woman’s Medical School: Northwestern University, The Institution and its Founders, Class Histories, 1870-1896 (Chicago: H. G. Cutler, 1896), 98-100, 103.

13 7 January 1910, New England Hospital Collection (NEH), Box 16, Smith College.

14 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1886, p. 14-15.

15 Elizabeth Blackwell, Pioneer Work in Opening the Medical Profession to Women (London: Longmans, Green, 1895), 193, 194; WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1876-1900, passim; Letter from Dr. R. M. DeHart to Zakrzewska on her own hygiene lecturing, Annual Report of the New England Hospital for Women and Children (Boston, 1875), 16-17.

16 Josephine Baker, Fighting for Life (New York: Macmillan, 1939), 51-53; Mary Putnam Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” in Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Woman’s Work in America (New York: Henry Holt, 1891), 201. It was assumed that women did much better in small towns. See Eliza H. Root, ”The Distribution of Medical Women in the State of Illinois,”Woman’s Medical Journal (WMJ) 14 (May 1904): 100-101.

17 22 May 1887, Eliza Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections; WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1880, p. 14; ”The Woman Physician in the Country,” WMJ 12 (January 1902); 4.

18 Interview with Dr. Pauline Stitt, 9 December 1977, p. 11-12, Women in Medicine Oral History Project, MCP Archives.

19 D. W. Cathell, The Physician Himself, And Things That Concern His Reputation and Success (Philadelphia: F. A. Davis, 1890), 99.

20 Elizabeth Putnam Gordon, The Story of the Life and Work of Cordelia A. Greene, M.D. (Castile, New York: The Castilian, 1925); Kathryn K. Sklar, Catharine Beecher (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1973), 214-15; Regina Markell Morantz, ”Making Women Modern: Middle Class Women and Health Reform in 19th Century America,” Journal Social History 10 (June 1977): 103-20; William Leach, True Love and Perfect Union: The Feminist Reform of Sex and Society (New York: Basic Books, 1980), passim.

21 Gordon, Cordelia Greene, 12.

22 Marshall S. Legan, ”Hydropathy in America: A Nineteenth Century Panacea,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 45 (May 1971): 267-80; Harry B. Weiss and Howard R. Kimbel, The Great American Water-Cure Craze (Trenton: The Past Times Press, 1967); Samuel A. Cloyes, The Healer: The Story of Dr. Samantha S. Nivinson and Dryden Springs, 1820-1915 (Ithaca, N.Y.: DeWitt, 1969); Cordelia Greene, M.D., The Art of Keeping Well (New York: Dodd, Mead, 1905); Rachel Brooks Gleason, M.D., Talks to My Patients (New York: M. L. Holbrook, 1895).

23 For an excellent article concerning this kind of work for women physicians see Constance McGovern, ” ‘Doctors or Ladies?’ Women Physicians in Psychiatric Institutions, 1872-1900,“ Bull. Hist. of Med. 55 (Spring 1981): 88-107.

24 ”Women’s Work in the Care of the Insane,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 38.

25 McGovern, ” ‘Doctors or Ladies,’ ” 103.

26 ”The Woman Physician and a Vast Field of Usefulness Unrecognized by Her,”WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1903, pp. 72-81, 73.

27 McGovern, ‘Doctors or Ladies,’ ” 105-7.

28 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1892, p. 47.

29 Dorothy McGuigan, A Dangerous Experiment, One Hundred Years of Women at the University of Michigan (Ann Arbor, University of Michigan Press 1970), 64-68.

30 See Vaughan’s letter to Mosher, 17 October 1895, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections. See ”Reports from Various Parts of the United States,” in WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, pp. 120-36.

31 See members of the University of Michigan League to Mosher, 7 March 1896; L. H. Stone on behalf of Michigan State Federation of Women’s Club’s to Mosher, 29 January 1896; both in Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections.

32 See Caroline L. Hunt, The Life of Ellen H. Richards: 1842-1911 (Washington : American Home Economics Assn., 1942); Emma S. Weigley, ”It Might Have Been Euthenics: The Lake Placid Conferences and the Home Economics Movement,” American Quarterly 26 (March 1974): 79-96. See also Margaret Rossiter, Women Scientists in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1982), 70. Rossiter is incorrect in crediting male physicians with originating hygiene courses.

33 Lillian Welsh, Reminiscences of Thirty Years in Baltimore (Baltimore: Norman, Remington, 1925), 115.

34 McGuigan, A Dangerous Experiment, 64-68.

35 McGuigan, A Dangerous Experiment, 64-68. See also the comments about a similar aversion on the part of the coeds at Stanford University in the early 20th century to Mosher’s cousin, Dr. Clelia Mosher. Regina Markell Morantz, Esther Bridgeman Clarke, Oral History, 19 December 1977, pp. 12-15, MCP Archives. Mary Bennett Ritter was much better liked at Berkeley. See her autobiography, More than Gold in California (Berkeley: Professional Press, 1933), 201-17.

36 Welsh Reminiscences, 5; McGuigan, A Dangerous Experiment, 67.

37 McGuigan, A Dangerous Experiment, 67.

38 Estelle Freedman, ”Separatism as Strategy: Female Institution Building and American Feminism, 1870-1930,”Feminist Studies 5 (Fall 1979): 512-39; Kathryn Kish Sklar, ”Florence Kelly: Resources and Achievements” (Paper given at Fifth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Vassar College, June 1981).

39 See report by Marion M. Grady, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 144; and Eliza Root, ”The Medical Woman as Teacher in Medical Schools, WMJ 11 (September 1901): 325-33.

40 Elizabeth D. Robinton, ”Anna Wessel Williams,” in Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green, eds., Notable American Women: The Modern Period (Cambridge: Belknap Press, 1980), 737-39. See also ”Women Physicians in Medical Research Work,” WMJ 19 (January 1909): 9.

41 An Atlas of the Medulla and Midbrain (Baltimore: Friedenwald, 1901). For information on Mall and Sabin see Donald Fleming, William H. Welch and the Rise of Modern Medicine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1954), 164-76; 100-104; Elinor Bluemel, Florence Sabin: Colorado Woman of the Century (Boulder: University of Colorado Press, 1959), 49-52; Vincent Andriole, ”Florence Rena Sabin—Teacher, Scientist, Citizen,” Jour. Hist. Med. and Allied Sciences 14 (July 1959): 320-50, 323-24; Florence Sabin, Franklin P. Mall, The Story of a Mind (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins, 1934).

42 See Eliza Root, ”The Woman as Teacher in Medical Schools.’ See also Dean Martha Tracy’s assessment of the problem after the first decade of the 20th century, ”The Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania,” WMJ 29 (October 1919): 202-8.

43 Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades (Boston: Little Brown, 1943), 97.

44 Andriole, ”Florence Rena Sabin,” 325.

45 For an interesting point of view, see Miriam Slater and Penina Glazer, ”Women Research Scientists: Few Professional Progenitors, Fewer Professional Progeny,” unpublished paper which is part of a larger project on women professionals.

46 Andriole, ”Florence Rena Sabin,” 325.

47 Bluemel, Florence Sabin, 84; Louise de Schweinitz to Elinor Bluemel, 25 September 1955, Sabin MSS, Box 30, Smith College.

48 Bluemel, Florence Sabin, 87; Mendenhall, Manuscript Autobiography, n.p.; and Dr. Esther Richards to Elinor Bluemel, 19 September 1955, Sabin MSS, Box 30, both at Smith College.

49 Bluemel, Florence Sabin, 62.

50 See the warm correspondence between Welsh, Sherwood, and Sabin, especially the collection of letters in November 1924, Sabin, MSS, American Philosophical Society; Bluemel, Florence Sabin, 65. Also Sabin’s remarks about Welsh in A Tribute to Lilian Welsh (Baltimore: Goucher College, 1938), 9-17. For Sabin’s opinion of women’s abilities, Bluemel, Florence Sabin, 124.

51 Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, 8 November 1869.

52 See Bio. Sketch and Clippings from Syracuse Sunday Herald, 23 February 1903, Anna Manning Comfort Papers, Box 12, Syracuse University; Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 189-90; S. Penfield to Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, 13 April 1934 in Lozier file, MCP Archives; and Mendenhall, Manuscript Autobiography, 134-35, Smith College.

53 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 190.

54 In 1932, for example, a study by the AMA noted that 99 out of the 696 hospitals approved for internship by the Council on Medical Education were open to women interns. Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America (New York: Froben Press, 1933), 50.

55 Emily Dunning Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 68.

56 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 191; Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue, 67-96; Mendenhall, Manuscript Autobiography, 63, Smith College.

57 12 February 1916, Martha May Eliot MSS. See also Eliot to her parents, 25 January 1917, 13 June 1920, 11 July 1920; and Ernestine Howard to her parents, 4 June 1918 and 27 October 1916; all in Ernestine Howard MSS. Schlesinger Library.

58 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 192; Jacobi to James R. Chadwick, 12 February and 31 May 1979; Anna Broomall to Chadwick, 17 March and 10 November 1879; Mary Thompson to Chadwick, 4 June 1879; all in Chadwick MSS, Countway Library, Harvard Univeresity Medical School.

59 Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue 116, 133-34, 175-207. For the more good-natured hazing of Mary Bates, first female intern at Cook County Hospital in Chicago see Bertha Van Hoosen, ”Opportunities for Medical Women Interns,” MWJ 33 (1926): 282, and letter from Bates to Dr. Elizabeth Mason-Hohl, n.d. (after 1900), in AMWA Collection, Box 12, Folder 25, Cornell University. For Van Hoosen’s own experience with hazing at Kalamazoo St. Hospital see her autobiography, Petticoat Surgeon (Chicago: Pellegrini & Cudahy, 1947), 83, 14-143, 127-28.

60 Mendenhall, Manuscript Autobiography, n.p., Smith College.

61 Charles Rosenberg, ”Social Class and Medical Care in Nineteenth Century America: The Rise and Fall of the Dispensary,” Jour. Hist. Med. 29 (January 1974): 32-54.

62 The number of women reported in the WMCP Alumnae Transactions who managed to go to Europe is really quite striking. Also see Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America, 33; Emmeline Cleveland, Anna Broomall, and Frances Emily White folders in the Alumnae File, MCP Archives; for Welsh and Williams see their respective biographies in Notable American Women; for Angell, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1907, p. 25. Also Anna M. Fullerton, ”Women Students in Vienna,” Philadelphia Medical Times 15 (1884- 1885) : 356; Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 105ff.; Lucy Sewall to Caroline Dall, 1 February 1863, Dall MSS, Mass. Historical Society; Susan Dimock to Dr. H. Cabot, 9 October and 17 October 1873, 25 October 1868, 8 February 1869, Box 1, New England Hospital Papers, Smith College.

63 Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America, 34. Alice Bigelow, who interned at the NEH in 1905, had similar things to say about her mentors. Bigelow, ”Medical Memoranda,” New England Hospital Papers, Box 7, Smith College.

64 Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue, 81.

65 Florence Hazzard, ”Heart of the Oak,” typescript biography of Eliza Mosher in Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections, 4. It is important to note that few men were getting similar obstetrical training during this period.

66 Mary McKibben Harper, ”Anna E. Broomall, M.D.,” The Medical Review of Reviews 39 (March 1933): 132-39, 137. For an example of the pride women physicians took in their surgical accomplishments see Dr. Keller’s report on the NEH in WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1892, p. 83. Rachelle Yarros, who worked closely for a number of years with Hull House in Chicago, wrote similarly of Broomall’s extraordinary training, which was ”one of the greatest assets in my work.” Yarros, ”From Obstetrics to Social Hygiene,” MWJ 33 (November 1926): 306.

67 Ritter, More Than Gold, 171; Ritter to Hurd-Mead, 9 February 1935, AMWA Collection, Van Hoosen Papers, Uncat., MCP Archives; Charlotte Blake Brown, ”Obstetric Practice Among the Chinese in San Francisco,” Pacific Med. and Surg. Jour. 26 (1883-1884): 15-21; Joan M. Jensen, ”Charlotte Blake Brown,” in Janet and Edward James, eds., Notable American Women (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1973), vol. 1, pp. 251-53.

68 Clipping in Chadwick Scrapbook, 20 September 1882, Chadwick MSS, Countway Library, Harvard Medical School.

69 See Anna Wessel Williams’s comments about Daniel in her Typescript Autobiography, chap. 5, p. 3, in Williams MSS, Schlesinger Library; Josephine Baker, ”Annie Sturgis Daniel, M.D., 1858-1944,” MWJ 51 (September 1944): 34-35; ”Editorial,” MWJ Ibid., 36; Roy Lubove, ”Annie Sturgis Daniel,” in Janet and Edward James, eds., Notable American Women, vol. 1, pp. 429-30.

70 Report of Out-Practice (New York, 1891), 2-3, in N.Y. Academy of Medicine ; Belcher to Eliza, 20 January 1878, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

71 Williams, Typescript Autobiography, chap. 5, p. 10. See also Josephine Baker, Fighting for Life, 48-49; Alice Hamilton to Agnes, 27 November 1893, Mendenhall, Manuscript Autobiography, 43-45.

72 Daniel, Report, 10-11.

73 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1892, p. 97.

74 Ibid., 82, 97.

75 See Florence Sabin’s comments in Sabin, A Tribute to Lilian Welsh, 14-17. In 1883 the Woman’s Dispensary was founded in Washington, D.C., by Annie Rice and Jeannette Sumner, two graduates of the WMCP.

76 Jacobi, ”Woman in Medicine,” 189, 176.

77 italics mine. Editorial in JAMA 35 (August 1900): 501, quoted in David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, ”Doctors in Crisis: Medical Education and Medical Reform in the Progressive Era, 1895-1915,” American Quarterly 25 (March 1973): 83-107.

78 Gulielma Fell Alsop, History of the Woman’s Medical College Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, 1850-1950 (Philadelphia: J.B. Lippincott, 1950), 160-61; WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1907, pp. 46-51, and 1908, pp. 26-27.

79 Letter to Interns, 30 March 1883, Box 27, New England Hospital Papers, Smith College. Virginia Drachman chronicles these clashes in Hospital With a Heart (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1984), 110-21.

80 Letter of Resignation, 1892, New England Hospital Papers, Smith College.

81 Response to Interns, 30 October 1891, New England Hospital Papers, Smith College.

82 Hurd-Mead, Medical Women of America, 34.

83 Mary Hobart, Paper Relating to Work of Young Doctors, 1 November 1895, Box 7, Folder 5, New England Hospital Papers, Smith College.

84 Italics mine. Hamilton to Agnes, 26 October 1893, Hamilton MSS, Schlesinger Library.

85 Hamilton to Agnes, 26 October, 19 November, 5 December 1893, 4 April 1894, Hamilton MSS, Schlesinger Library.

86 Fighting for Life, 46.

87 Kleinert to Macfarlane, 10 March 1962; Kleinert Folder, Alumnae File, MCP Archives; Alice Bigelow, ”Medical Memoranda,”New England Hospital Papers, Smith College.

88 See The Story of the Children’s Hospital, (San Francisco, 1974); WMCP Alumna Transactions, 1900, p. 120; Ishbel Ross, The New York Infirmary: A Century of Devoted Service, 1854-1954 (New York, 1954).

89 Clara Marshall, Valedictory Address, 13 March 1879 (Philadelphia, 1879), 6- 7 ; Martin Kaufman, ”The Admission of Women to 19th-Century Medical Societies,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 50 (Summer 1976): 251-60. Two good accounts of discrimination are Mary Roth Walsh, ”Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply”: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), and Gloria Melnick Moldow, ”The Gilded Age: Promise and Disillusionment: Women Doctors and the Emergence of the Professional Middle Class, Washington, D.C., 1870-1900” (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1980).

90 Belcher to Eliza, 9 February 1880, Belcher Letters, in private hands. This low participation may have been more apparent than real. Cora Marrett suggests that in many cities the comparative percentage of female affiliation paralleled that of men. See “On the Evolution of the Women’s Medical Societies,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 53 (Fall 1979): 434-48.

91 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 124.

92 “The women physicians of the West,” Colorado Med. Jour. 6 (1900): 302; Quoted in Marrett, “Evolution,” 439.

93 Mary Stark quoted in Florence Cooksley, “History of Medicine in Monroe County,” N.Y. St. Jour. Med 37 (1937): 88. Quoted by Marrett, “Evolution,” 447.

94 WMJ 12 (July 1902): 223.

95 WMJ 11 (July 1901): 254, 270.

96 WMJ 12 (July 1902): 170-71.

97 Clipping, Philadelphia Ledger, 1938, Reel Folder, Alumnae Files, MCP Archives ; Harper, “Anna E. Broomall,” 137.

98 Beula Sundell questionnaire, Beula Sundell Folder, Alumnae Files, MCP Archives.

1 “The Influence of Women in the Profession of Medicine,” in Essays in Medical Sociology, 2 vols. (London: Ernest Bell, 1902, reprint, New York: Arno, 1972), vol. 2, pp. 5-6, 12.

2 Pathfinders in Medicine (New York: Medical Life Press, 1929), 673-74.

3 Jacobi to Blackwell, 25 December 1888, Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress.

4 See Rene Dubos, Mirage of Health (New York: Harper & Row, 1959), 117- 18.

5 See Barbara Rosenkrantz, Public Health and the State (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1972), 74-96, 177-85; Charles Rosenberg, The Cholera Years (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1962), passim, and “Florence Nightingale on Contagion: The Hospital as a Moral Universe,” in Charles Rosenberg, ed., Healing and History; Essays for George Rosen (New York: Neale Watson, 1979), 116-36.

6 For a fascinating view of the effects of Blackwell’s family life on her psychology see Margo Horn, “The Effect of Family Life on Women’s Role Choices: The Case of the Blackwell Women” (Paper delivered at the Fourth Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Mount Holyoke College, 23-25 August 1978); Pioneer Work in Opening the Medicat Profession to Women (London : Longmans, Green, 1895; reprint New York: Schocken, 1977) 27. See also Nancy Sahli, “Elizabeth Blackwell, M.D. (1821-1910): A Biography” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1974).

7 Pioneer Work, 28.

8 Pioneer Work, 35.

9 Lloyd Stevenson, “Science Down the Drain, On the Hostility of Certain Sanitarians to Animal Experimentation, Bacteriology and Immunology,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 29 (January-February 1955): 1-26; Charles and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “Pietism and the Origins of the American Public Health Movement: A Note on John H. Griscom and Robert M. Hartley,” Jour. Hist. Med. 23 (Spring 1968): 16-35.

10 “The Influence of Women,” 26-27.

11 “Why Hygienic Congresses Fail,” in Essays on Medical Sociology, vol. 2, p. 73.

12 “The Influence of Women,” 5-6. See also “The Human Element in Sex,” in Essays in Medical Sociology, vol. 1, p. 69.

13 “The Influence of Women,” 10, 13, 21. Also “Why Hygienic Congresses Fail,” passim. On antivivisection see Richard D. French, Antivivisection and Medical Science in Victorian Society (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1975); James Turner, Reckoning with the Beast: Animals, Pain, and Humanity in the Victorian Mind (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1980).

14 “Scientific Method in Biology,” in Essays in Medical Sociology, vol. 2, pp. 90, 119.

15 17 August 1869, in Life and Letters of Mary Putnam Jacobi, ed. Ruth Putnam (New York: Putnam, 1925), 216.

16 Undated, 1863, Life and Letters, 67.

17 1 February 1867, Life and Letters, 110.

18 11 March 1871, Jacobi MSS, Schlesinger Library.

19 22 April 1867, 13 January 1870, Life and Letters, 125, 233-34.

20 Jacobi to her mother, 22 December 1867, 13 November 1866, Life and Letters, 100-101, 157.

21 Dr. Allan Wyeth, quoted in Life and Letters, 325.

22 29 May 1867, Life and Letters, 141.

23 Indeed, Dr. Herbert C. Miller in his 1981 Abraham Jacobi lecture to the American Academy of Pediatrics has called Mary Putnam Jacobi the “mother of American pediatrics.” See “Intrauterine Growth Retardation: An Unmet Challenge,” presented in April 1981, Washington, D.C., reprints available at the Department of Pediatrics, University of Kansas Medical Center.

24 “Shall Women Practice Medicine?” reprinted from North American Review, 1881, in The Women’s Medical Association of New York City, eds., Mary Putnam Jacobi, Pathfinder in Mediciree (New York, G.P. Putnam, 1925), 390.

25 Italics mine. Jacobi to Blackwell, 25 December 1888.

26 “Specialism in Medicine,” Arch. Med. 7 (1882), reprinted in Mary Putnam Jacobi, Pathfinder in Medicine, 358; “Inaugural Address at the Opening of the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, October 1, 1880,” ibid., 334; “Annual Address Delivered at the Commencement of the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, May 30, 1883,” ibid., pp. 293; “Shall Women Practice Medicine?” ibid., 373.

27 See Notes, “On the Education of Women Physicians,” Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress; “The Influence of Women,” 19-20, 27-29, especially where she denounces the “narrow and superficial materialism which prevails so widely amongst scientific men.”

28 “Specialism in Medicine,” 358; “Shall Women Practice Medicine?” 373; “Commencement Address, 1883,” 392.

29 “Female Physicians for Insane Women,” Med. Rec. 37 (10 May 1890): 543, “Woman in Medicine,” in Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Woman’s Work in America (New York: Henry Holt, 1891), 177.

30 “Inaugural Address,” 1880, pp. 348, 352, 354.

31 “Commencement Address,” 1883, pp. 392-93, 397, 400.

32 Jacobi to Blackwell, 25 December 1888; “Commencement Address,” 401; “Shall Women Practice Medicine?” 390.

33 Mary Putnam Jacobi, “Social Aspects of the Readmission of Women into the Medical Profession,” in Papers and Letters Presented at the First Woman’s Congress of the Association for the Advancement of Women, October, 1873 (New York, 1874), 134; Elizabeth Blackwell, Letter to the Editor of The Philanthropist, February 1889, reprint in Blackwell MSS, Schlesinger Library.

34 Jacobi to Mother, 13 January 1870; Blackwell, “The Influence of Women,” 5, Jacobi, “Social Aspects,” 173.

35 Blackwell to Lady Byron, 5 August 1852, Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress.

1 See Ann Douglas (Wood), “ ‘The Fashionable Diseases’: Women’s Complaints and Their Treatment in Nineteenth-Century America,” Jour. of Interdisc. Hist. 4 (Summer 1973): 25-52; Charles Rosenberg and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Female Animal: Medical and Biological Views of Woman and Her Role in Nineteenth-Century America,” Journal of American History 60 (September 1973): 332-56; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Cycle of Femininity : Puberty and Menopause in 19th-Century America,” Feminist Studies 1 (Winter 1973): 58-72; Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Hysterical Woman: Sex Roles and Role Conflict in 19th-Century America,” Social Research 39 (Winter 1972): 652-78; G. J. Barker-Benfield, The Horrors of the Half Known Life: Male Attitudes Toward Women and Sexuality in Nineteenth-Century America (New York: Harper & Row, 1976); and Sarah Stage, Female Complaints: Lydia Pinkham and the Business of Women’s Medicine (New York: W. W. Norton, 1979), 74-75.

2 For the medicalization of childbirth, see Jane Bauer Donegan, Women and Men Midwives (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978); Catherine Scholten, ” ‘On the Importance of the Obstetrick Art’: Changing Customs of Childbirth in America, 1760-1825,” William and Mary Quarterly 34 (July 1977): 426-45; Richard W. Wertz and Dorothy C. Wertz, Lying-In: A History of Childbirth in America (New York: Free Press, 1977). For a more extreme view of doctors’ culpability, see Mary Roth Walsh, “Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply”: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession, 1835 1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 76-105; Virginia Drachman, “Women Doctors and the Women’s Medical Movement: Feminism and Medicine, 1850-1895” (Ph.D. diss., State University of New York at Buffalo, 1976); and Patricia Branca, Silent Sisterhood: Middle-Class Women in the Victorian Home (Pittsburgh: Carnegie Mellon Press, 1975), 62-73; and Laurie Crumpacker, ”Female Patients in Four Boston Hospitals of the 1890s” (Paper delivered at the Third Annual Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, October 1974), copy on deposit at the Schlesinger Library, Cambridge, Mass. In some cases historians have merely assumed the accuracy of nineteenth-century statements when critics of male midwifery insisted that women were more willing to ”wait on nature.” For an example of the contention that men interfered more than women, see Samuel Gregory, Man-Midwifery Exposed and Corrected (Boston, 1848), 12-13. Because midwives did not use instruments and rarely administered drugs, contemporaries mistakenly assumed that women physicians would follow suit. Here they underestimated the impact of professional training, a matter about which historians of female professionalism are still in conflict. For the differences in practice between physicians and midwives at parturition see Janet Bogdan, ”Care or Cure?: Childbirth Practices in Nineteenth-Century America,” Feminist Studies 4 (June 1978): 92-99.

3 Douglas (Wood), “he Fashionable Diseases,’ ”13. See also Drachman, “Women Doctors,” 121-26; Walsh, “Doctors Wanted,” 76-105; Branca, Silent Sisterhood, 62-73; Crumpacker, “Female Patients,” passim.

4 Charles Rosenberg, “The Bitter Fruit: Heredity, Disease and Social Thought,” in Rosenberg, ed., No Other Gods, On Science and American Social Thought (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1976), 25-53; Richard Hofstadter, Social Darwinism in American Thought (1944; reprinted by Beacon Press, New York, 1955).

5 Clarke, Sex in Education, (Boston: Osgood and Co., 1874), 133. See also Elizabeth Fee, “The Sexual Politics of Victorian Anthropology,” Feminist Studies 1 (Winter-Spring 1973): 23-39.

6 All quoted in Charles and Carroll Smith-Rosenberg, “The Female Animal,” 56, 57.

7 Although Benfield’s portrait of 19th-century male physicians is quite overdrawn, he has asked some interesting questions. See my review of The Horrors of the Half-Known Life in Bull. Hist. of Med. 51 (Summer 1977): 307-10.

8 In this regard see Mary Ryan, “The Power of Women’s Networks: A Case Study of Female Moral Reform in Antebellum America,” Feminist Studies 5 (Spring 1979): 66-86.

9 H. Tristam Englehardt, Jr., “The Disease of Masturbation: Values and the Concept of Disease,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 48 (Summer 1974): 234-48.

10 George J. Munroe, “A Case in Practice,” Alabama Medical and Surgical Age 2 (1889/1890): 213-14.

11 Christopher Lasch, Haven in a Heartless World, The Family Besieged (New York: Basic Books, 1977), 17-18; Jacques Donzelot, The Policing of Families (New York: Random House, 1979).

12 A look at the case studies published in the Alumnae Transactions of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions) suggests a patient population almost exclusively female. See also the Woman’s Medical Journal (WMJ), which comments in an article on Sarah C. Hall, a pioneer woman doctor, “Like every other woman in the profession Dr. Hall’s practise is largely limited to that of women and children.” WMJ 4 (February 1895): 236-37. Indeed, many male physicians had cordial relationships with their professional sisters and sent them female patients who either requested a woman doctor or who they themselves determined needed to be under the care of a woman. Eliza Mosher’s surgery professor at Michigan, Dr. Corrydon L. Ford, sent his daughter to live with her for a while to allow Mosher to build up her health. A. J. Skene, the well-known Brooklyn gynecologist, also sent a number of patients to Mosher. See Mosher to sister, 22 May 1887; Frank Rockwell, M.D., to Mosher, 24 April 1889; Mosher to Clelia Mosher, 23 November 1903, “Dr. McCorkle sends me all his young girls and young women.” All in Mosher MSS, University of Michigan. See also Anna Manning Comfort, casebooks, Syracuse University ; Elizabeth Blackwell MSS Library of Congress, passim; Bertha Van Hoosen MSS, University of Michigan, passim.

13 Ella Ridgeway, “The Causes of Uterine Diseases” (M.D. thesis, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1873). All Woman’s Medical College theses may be found in the Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP), Philadelphia. Anna Longshore-Potts, Discourses to Women on Medical Subjects (San Diego, 1897), 122; Rosalie Slaughter Morton, A Woman Surgeon (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1937), 86; “Phimosis in the Female”WMJ 16 (May 1906): 76-77.

14 Sarah Adamson Dolley, Closing Address (Philadelphia: Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1874), 3; Clara Marshall, Valedictory Address (Philadelphia: Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania), 7; Comment about Dimock quoted in speech by Joseph Lowell reprinted in pamphlet “The Opening of Johns Hopkins Medical School of Women,” a reprint from The Century Magazine, 1891, in box labeled ”Physicians, U.S.,‘’ Smith College ; Morton, A Woman Surgeon,’ vii.

15 Maryland Medical Journal 10 (1883): 424.

16 W. S. Brown, M.D., The Capacity of Women to Practice the Healing Art, Lecture delivered 9 November 1859, Boston, 1859, p. 8; C. L. Franklin, “Woman and Medicine,” The Nation 52 (February 1891): 131; Effa Davis, “Obstetric Complications From a Preventive Point of View,” WMJ 20 (July 1910): 139-45; Elizabeth and Emily Blackwell, Medicine as a Profession for Women (New York, 1860), 10-11; Amanda C. Price, “Tlie Necessity for Women Physicians” Thesis, 1871, MCP Archives.

17 Arthur Ames Bliss, Blockley Days: Memories and Impressions of a Resident Physician, 1883-1884 (Philadelphia: Printed for private circulation, 1813), 14; quoted in Leo James O‘Hara ”An Emerging Profession, Philadelphia Medicine 1860-1900” (Ph.D. diss., University of Pennsylvania, 1976), 225.

18 Belcher to Eliza Johnson, 23 September 1877, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

19 Elizabeth L. Peck, “Presidential Address,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1901, p. 42; Lena V. Ingraham, ibid., 1887, p. 43; Sarah R. Munro, ibid., 1884, p. 27; Bertha R. Lewis, ibid., 1895, p. 130.

20 Bigelow, “Medical Memoranda,” New England Hospital Papers, Box 7, Smith College; Mary Bates, “Report of the 13th Annual meeting of .the Western Surgical & Gynecological Association,” WMJ 14 (January 1904): 9; Belcher to Eliza Johnson, 22 October 1875, Belcher Letters, in private hands.

21 See S. Weir Mitchell, Fat and Blood (Philadelphia: B. Lippincott & Co., 1902); Anna Robeson Burr, ed., Weir Mitchell: His Life and Letters (New York: Duffield & Co., 1929). For differing interpretations of Mitchell see Ann Douglas (Wood), ” ’The Fashionable Diseases’ ”; and Regina Markell Morantz, “The Lady and Her Physician,” in Lois Banner and Mary Hartman, eds., Clio’s Consciousness Raised, New Perspectives on the History of Women (New York: Harper & Row, 1974), 1-22, 38-53. For Jane Addams’s experience with Mitchell, which was similarly unhelpful, see Allen F. Davis, American Heroine, The Life and Legend of Jane Addams (New York: Oxford University Press, 1973), 27-29.

22 For information on Gilman’s breakdown, see her autobiography, The Living of Charlotte Perkins Gilman (New York, 1935; reprint, New York: Harper & Row, 1975), 90-106; see also Mary Hill, Charlotte Perkins Gilman, The Making of a Radical Feminist, 1860-1896 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1980); and Carl Degler, “Charlotte Perkins Gilman,” in Janet and Edward James, eds., Notable American Women (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1971), vol. 2, pp. 39-42. For Gilman’s reminiscences about Jacobi see WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1907, p. 66.

23 21 March 1891, Blackwell MSS, Schlesinger Library.

24 Comfort MSS, Case Book for 1868, pp. 49, 45, 43 (Box 14), Syracuse University. See Clara Swain, “Endometritis” Thesis, 1869 MCP Archives, a typical example. For Jacobi’s case see WMCP Alumnae Transactions, Philadelphia, 1889, p. 66; Regina Markell Morantz and Sue Zschoche, “Professionalism, Feminism, and Gender Roles: A Comparative Study of Nineteenth-Century Medical Therapeutics,” Journal of American History 62 (December 1980): 568-88.

25 “The Therapeutic Revolution: Medicine, Meaning and Social Change in Nineteenth Century America,” in Charles Rosenberg and Morris Vogel, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1979), 3-26.

26 27 November 1853, Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress.

27 21 March 1891, Blackwell MSS, Schlesinger Library.

28 Dolley to Elijah Pennybacker, 3 February 1858, MCP Archives. See flier on lecture to ladies by Ann Preston, MCP Archives; Elizabeth Blackwell, Pioneer Work in Opening the Medical Profession to Women (London: Longmans, Green, 1895; reprint, New York: Schocken, 1977), 193-94; Caroline B. Mitchell to Blackwell regarding agenda for her talk to a mothers’ meeting, 22 May 1889, Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress; Eliza Mosher to sister, 11 August 1889, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections; Clelia Mosher MSS, Stanford University, passim, and Health and the Woman Movement, (New York: YWCA, 1916); Anna Galbraith, Personal Hygiene and Physical Training for Women (Philadelphia: W. B. Saunders, 1913); Rose Wood-Allen Chapman, Dr. Mary Wood-Allen, A Life Sketch (Chicago: Ruby Gilbert, 1908); Charlotte Blake-Brown, “The Health of Our Girls,” Transactions of the Medical Society of California 26 (1896): 193-202; Blackwell to Barbara Bodichon, 2, 3, and 4 November 1867, on appointment of “one of our Young infirmary Dr.s. Professor of Hygiene” at Vassar, Blackwell MSS, Columbia University; Alida C. Avery, “On Vassar College,” in Anna C. Brackett, ed., The Education of American Girls (New York, G. P. Putnam, 1874), 346-61. See also Prudence Saur, Maternity: A Book for Every Wife and Mother (Chicago, L. P. Miller, 1889), iii; Anna Longshore-Potts, Love, Courtship and Marriage (San Diego: by author, 1891), and Discourses to Women on Medical Subjects (San Diego: by author, 1897), x; Rachel Brooks Gleason, Talks to My Patients, Hints on Getting Well and Keeping Well (M. L. Holbrook, London, 1895), vi; Sarah Hackett Stevenson, Physiology of Women (Chicago: Fairbanks, Palmer, 1882), 16, 25; and the numerous books and pamphlets by Elizabeth Blackwell.

29 Annie Sturgis Daniel, “A Cautious Experiment: The History of the New York Infirmary for Women and Children and the Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary,” MWJ 47 (July 1940): 301. Also Blackwell in Pioneer Work, 277: “An intelligent young coloured physician, Dr. Cole, who was one of our resident assistants, carried on this work with tact and care.”

30 “Pioneer Medical Women of Cleveland,” Journal of the American Medical Women’s Association 6 (May 1951): 186-89; Pamphlet by Edna H. Nelson, Superintendant, “The Women and Children’s Hospital,” reprint from Hospital Council Bull., January 1941, p. 10, Schlesinger Library. See also Lilian Welsh, Reminiscences, for a description of the medical social work carried out by the women physicians at the Evening Dispensary for Working Women in Baltimore, chap. 4, pp. 48-61. For the Philadelphia Woman’s Hospital see report by Mary Griscom, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1896, p. 37.

31 “The Opening of Johns Hopkins Medical School to Women,” n.p.

32 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1880, p. 18-19.

33 Anna Fullerton, “Report From the Woman’s Hospital of Philadelphia,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1890, p. 76; Grace Upson, “Report,” ibid., 1887, p. 5-157; Carolyn C. Ladd, “Physical Training in its Relation to the Health and Education of Women,” ibid., 1890, p. 42; Esther Parker, M.D., ”Facts Concerning Physical Conditions of Women During College Life,” WMJ 22 (August 1912): 171-73.

34 Mosher, “The Aetiology, Prophylaxis and Early Treatment of Pelvic Disorders in Girls and Young Women,” WMJ 19 (May 1909): 87-91; and Reminiscences, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections; Whetmore, “The Better Preparation of our Women for Maternity,” WMJ 12 (September 1902): 205-8. See also Sarah Hackett Stevenson, chapter entitled “The Happiness of True Motherhood,” in Physiology of Woman, 91; and comments of Helen Putnam and Emma Culbertson after an American Academy of Medicine Symposium, “The Place of Women in the Modern Business World” Bull. Amer. Acad. of Med. 9 (October 1908): 379-80.

35 Wood-Allen, Marriage, Its Duties and Privileges (Chicago: Fleming H. Revell, 1901), 17, 57, 72. See also Rose Wood-Allen Chapman, Dr. Mary Wood-Allen, passim; Davis, “The Determination of Sex at Will,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1899, p. 149; Childs, “College Women and Motherhood,” WMJ 23 (February 1913): 40. See also Sophie M. Hartley, M.D., “The Influence of Higher Education Upon Woman with Reference to Her Ability to Propagate the Species,” WMJ 4 (January 1895): 319-21.

36 Rachel Brooks Gleason, Talks To My Patients, 299ff.; Stevenson, “Coeducation of the Sexes,”in Physiology of Women, 74-75, 160; also Mary Putnam Jacobi, ”Menstrual Activity and Physical Health,” in Brackett, The Education of American Girls, 279.

37 “The Importance of Teaching the Conservation of Nervous Energy to Our Advanced Women Students,” WMJ 23 (October 1913): 217-20.

38 Margaret Colby, “Presidential Address,” WMJ 12 (July 1902): 154; ”Athletics in Our Schools and Colleges,” WMJ 20 (September 1910): 181-82; WoodAllen, Marriage, 117; Anna Manning Comfort, Thesis on Menstruation, n.d. Box 14, Comfort MSS, Syracuse University.

39 “Address to Obstricians,” WMJ 15 (October 1905): 196-97. Also Prudence Saur, Maternity, 156, 170-72; Stevenson, Physiology of Women, 21; Wood-Allen, Marriage, 135-41.

40 From Clipping on Mosher in Mosher MSS, New York Times, n.d., 1925. See New York Times, clipping, 1925 and clipping from Brooklyn Eagle, 4 June 1915, Mosher MSS, Michigan Historical Collections; T. Bannon, ”Modern Motherhood” in American Journal of Surgery and Gynecology 12 (1899): 146; Sarah Hall, ”The Physical and Moral Effects of Abortion,”(1869-1870); Charlotte Whitehead Ross, “Abortion” (1874-1875): Annetta Kratz, “An Essay on Criminal Abortion,” (1870-1871), all Theses in MCP Archives; Mary J. Safford Blake, Prenatal Influence (Boston, 1878); Saur, Maternity, 150; Mary A. Dixon-Jones, “Abortion: Its Evils and Its Sad Consequences,” WMJ 3 (August 1894): 31.

41 In the nineteenth century those with highly conservative attitudes toward sex favored the spacing of children through abstinence, other women physicians through some variation on the rhythm method. Only when one progresses into the twentieth century do women like Dr. Rachelle Yarros appear, who favor mechanical methods. See Maude Glasgow’s critique of the views of the liberal sexologist William J. Robinson, M.D., “Sexual Morality—Another Point of View,” in Med. Rev. of Rev. 18 (1912): 319-22; Anna Fullerton ”The Health of the Woman of the Period,” WMJ 1 (1893): 2-23, about the evils of sexual excess. Sarah Hackett Stevenson quote, Stevenson, Physiology of Women, 91. See also Wood-Allen, Marriage, 103-4, 184; Emma Drake, M.D., What a Young Wife Ought to Know (Chicago: John C. Winton, 1901), 79-96; On Menopause see Anna Galbraith, “Are the Dangers of the Menopause Natural or Acquired?—A Physiological Study,” American Gynecological and Obstetrical Journal 15 (October 1899) 291-314; Wood-Allen, Marriage, 216; Emma F. Drake, What Every Woman of Forty-Five Ought to Know (Philadelphia: Vir Publishing, 1902); Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, ”The Middle-Aged Woman: What Can Be Done To Increase Her Efficiency,“ WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1913, p. 98-114; Gleason, Talks to My Patients, 216-24; Stevenson, Physiology of Women, 136-39; Sara E. Greenfield, M.D., “The Dangers of Menopause,“”WMJ 12 (August 1902): 183-85. This list of citations is by no means exhaustive and is a mere sampling.

42 “Woman in Medicine,” WMJ 3 (July 1894): 15-16.

43 Anna McFarland, “The Relation of Operative Gynecology to Insanity,” WMJ 2 (February 1894): 40-41; Luther, ”Woman’s Work in the Care of the Insane,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1900, p. 38; “Comments on Psychiatry and the Woman Doctor,” ibid., 1903, p. 78; Mary Rushmore, “Factors For and Against Gynecological Operations,” WMJ 21 (May 1911): 957; Flora L. Aldrich, “Another Consideration of Some Criticisms,” WMJ 2 (May 1894): 106; Mary E. Bates, “Report of the 13th Annual Meeting of the Western Surgical and Gynecological Association,” E. M. Roys-Gavitt, “Extraction of the Ovaries for the Cure of Insanity,” WMJ 1 (1893): 123-24; Mary A. Spink, “The Relation of Female Sexual Organs to Mental Disease,” WMJ 1 (1893): 59-63; Mary A. Dixon-Jones, ”Oophorectomy in Diseases of the Nervous System,” WMJ 4 (1895): 1-5, 30-39, and Letter to the Editor from Eliza Y. Burnside, ibid., 47.

44 McGee comment in Idea Book, 1892, McGee MSS, Library of Congress; Elizabeth Keller, “A Case of Laparatomy,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1887, p. 61-65; Mary A. D. Jones, “Seven Cases of Tait’s Operation,” ibid., 1886, p. 33; Anita Tyng, “A Case of Clitoridectomy” ibid., 1878, p. 25. (This procedure was performed not for masturbation but for disease of the organ itself, though in discussing the history of the procedure Tyng makes no criticism of the use of the operation for masturbation and is well aware that such use has, on occasion, taken place.) Anita Tyng ”Case of Removal of Both Ovaries” (”Battey’s Operation”, ibid., 1880, p. 27; Charlotte Blake Brown, “Ovariotomy,” ibid., p. 30. “Tait‘s”operation included the removal of the fallopian tubes. See Lawrence D. Longo, ”The Rise and Fall of Battey’s Operation: A Fashion in Surgery,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 53 (Summer 1979): 244-67.

45 Emily Dunning Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue, (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 217; Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 131. See Mary Putnam Jacobi, “Woman in Medicine,” in Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Woman’s Work in America (New York, 1891), 203; Lilian Welsh, Reminiscences of Thirty Years in Baltimore (Baltimore: Norman, Remington, 1925), 42; Anna Fullerton, “Surgery or Electricity in Gynecology and Pedaetry,” WMJ 1 (1893): 118-21. Ironically male physicians were not the only ones to be accused of irresponsibility in surgery. In 1892 Dr. Caroline S. Pease of the Hudson River State Hospital wrote a letter of inquiry to Clara Marshall, dean of her alma mater, the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania. Pease had been asked to testify in a libel suit brought against the Brooklyn Eagle by Dr. Mary Dixon-Jones, another alumna of the school. It seems that in 1889 the Eagle ran a long series of articles over the course of several months accusing Dixon-Jones of irregularities in the organization and financing of a Brooklyn woman’s hospital which she and her son owned and operated as a private institution. The articles became more and more lurid as the Eagle claimed to uncover gross malpractice, which included misinforming patients of their condition in order to do unnecessary operations. Dr. Dixon-Jones was finally tried for manslaughter but was ultimately acquitted. Dr. Pease had been called to testify on behalf of the Eagle. She wrote that ”of course,” she had a low opinion of Dixon-Jones, but she hesitated to testify because “the publicity such women received invariably caused injury to every respectable woman practitioner.”She believed the Eagle was sincerely friendly to women physicians and committed to the “larger cause.” Although we do not know whether or not Pease herself testified against Dixon-Jones, other prominent men and women physicians in Brooklyn did. Though Dixon-Jones did not win her case, she remained visible in her profession, building her reputation as a surgeon with the publication of over thirty papers, and the associate editorship for a short while of two medical journals—the Woman’s Medical Journal and the Philadelphia Times and Register. Because of her achievements in pathology, Kelly and Burrage saw fit to include her in their classic biographical guide to well-known 19th-century physicians. See Howard A. Kelley and Walter Burrage, eds., American Medical Biographies (Baltimore, 1920), 677; Caroline S. Pease to Clara Marshall, 18 January 1892; Marshall to Pease, 20 January 1892, Marshall MSS, MCP Archives; Dixon-Jones’s story can be followed almost daily from April to June 1889 in the Brooklyn Eagle and sporadically thereafter until the denouement, 31 December 1889.

46 Scott to Blackwell, 13 May 1896, Blackwell MSS, Library of Congress; Kelly, ”Conservatism in Ovariotomy,” JAMA 26 (26 February 1896) 249-50; I. N. Love, “Meddlesome Gynecology,” published in the Medical Mirror, June 1903, reprinted in WMJ 3 (June 1903): 121. See also the following for similar protests from other male physicians: Ely Van De Warker, ”The Fetich of the Ovary,” Am. J. of Obs. and the Diseases of Women and Children 54 (July-December 1906): 366-73; M. Yarnall, ”Too Much Surgery,”Texas Health Jour. 3 (1891): 351-52; I. L. Watkins, ”Letter” Alabama Med. & Surg. Age. 2 (1888/90): 188-90; William Goodell, ”The Abuse of Uterine Treatment Through Mistaken Diagnosis,” Medical News 55 (December 1889): 621-25; ”Symposium on the Therapeutics of Diseases of Women,” Transactions of the Colorado State Medical Society, 1891-1892, pp. 21-22, 332-48.

47 A. F. A. King, “The Physiological Argument in Obstetric Studies and Practice,” Am. J. of Obs. and Diseases of Women and Children, 21 (April 1888): 372; Henry T. Byford, “The So-called Physiological Argument in Obstetrics,” ibid., 21 (September 1888): 889. See also H. M. Cutts, ”The Necessity of Preparatory Treatment for Child-Bed,”ibid., 19 (August 1886): 796-801; T. P. White, “The Normal Puerperal State,” ibid., 19 (November 1886): 1191-1205; Thomas Opie, “Is the Frequent Use of Forceps Abusive?” ibid., 21 (October 1888), 1088-92.

48 Jane S. Heald, “Obstetrics” 1855; Phoebe Wilson, ”Disquisition on Parturition” 857. Both theses in MCP Archives. For a general overview, see Wertz and Wertz, Lying-In.

49 Phoebe Oliver, “Eclampsia” 1869; Katharine D. Perry, ”Puerperal Troubles” 1887; Louis Schneider, ”Anaesthesia in Natural Labor”1859; all Theses in MCP Archives.

50 Lucy R. Weaver, “Symptoms of Puerperal Peritonitis” 1879; Mary Jordan Finley, “On Vesico Vaginal Fistula” 1880; See also Margaret Hoeflich, “Eclampsia” 1872-1873; Laura V. Gustin, ”A Thesis on Interference in Natural Labor” 1873, all Theses in MCP Archives.

51 Maria E. Zakrzewska, “Report of One Hundred and Eighty-Seven Cases of Midwifery in Private Practice,” Boston Medical and Surgical Journal 121 (December 1889): 557-60. See also Frances Rutherford, “The Perineum and Its Care during Parturition,” WMJ 2 (February 1894): 29-33; Mary Wherry, “The Prevention of Lacerations of the Perineum,” ibid., 13 (January 1903): 5-6; Agnes Eichelberger, “Prophylaxis in Obstetrics,” ibid., 11 (July 1901): 255- 58 ; Eliza Root, “The Study and Teaching of Obstetrics,” ibid., 9 (October 1899): 324-28; Saur, Maternity, 218-20; Stevenson, Physiology of Woman, 91.

52 Root, “Study and Teaching of Obstetrics,”324-28; Anna E. Broomall, ”The Operation of Episiotomy as a Prevention of Perineal Ruptures during Labor,” Am. J. of Obs. and Diseases of Women and Children 11 (July 1878): 517-27.

53 See Gloria Melnick Moldow, “Promise and Disillusionment: Women Doctors and the Emergence of the Professional Middle Class, 1879-1900” (Ph.D. diss., University of Maryland, 1980), 107.

54 See Wertz and Wertz, Lying-ln, 150-54, 164-73; and Judith Walzer Leavitt, “Birthing and Anesthesia: The Debate over Twilight Sleep,” Signs 6 (Autumn 1980): 147-64.

55 In 1980 I published a longer version of the study to follow. I have uncovered no new evidence to contradict those conclusions. Four years ago I made the point that gender had only a very slight effect on the choice of therapy, but a palpable effect on the experience of the patient. Since that conclusion has been misinterpreted by some readers I wish to reiterate it now; indeed, I would emphasize it even more strongly. See Morantz and Zschoche, Professionalism, Feminism, and Gender Roles,” 584.

56 Case records are available only after 1887 for Boston Lying-In Hospital. Please refer to Appendix for a detailed explanation of the methodology used for these hospital studies.

57 Charles E. Rosenberg, “And Heal the Sick: The Hospital and the Patient in 19th-Century America,” Journal of Social History 10 (June 1977): 428-47.

58 Emma L. Call, “The Evolution of Modern Maternity Technic,” Am. J. of Obs. and Diseases of Women and Children 58 (September 1908): 392-404. For an explicit statement of Marie Zakrzewska’s philosophy concerning the hospital’s admission practices, see her comments in New England Hospital, Annual Report, 1868, pp. 9-21, New England Hospital Papers, Smith College. Virtually every New England Hospital annual report contains rather self-conscious testimony concerning the advantages of the hospital’s Christian atmosphere. For example, see New England Hospital, Annual Report, 1873, pp. 5-7; ibid., 1880, pp. 5-9. See also Grace E. Rochford, “The New England Hospital for Women and Children,” JAMWA 5 (December 1950): 497- 99 ; Memoir of Susan Dimock (Boston, 1875), 37-39.

59 See Boston Lying-In Hospital inpatient and outpatient records and New England Hospital Obstetrical Records, Countway Library, Harvard Medical School.

60 See Appendix for an explanation of how this information was determined.

61 See Walsh, “Doctors Wanted,” 93-95; Branca, Silent Sisterhood, 86-90; and Crumpacker, “Female Patients.”

62 The choice of statistical methods was dictated to some degree by the relative paucity of data on the Boston Lying-In case records. Direct comparisons between hospitals were limited to tests for significant differences in the frequency of occurrence for which chi square tests of independence were used. For analyses of data within each hospital, a variety of methods was used in all instances where a significant difference is either claimed or rejected, a probability level of .05 was the minimum level accepted. See Appendix.

63 Crumpacker, “Female Patients.”

64 Morantz and Zschoche, “Professionalism, Feminism, and Gender Roles,” 481-83.

1 “Can Men and Women Doctors Be a Help to Each Other?” Woman’s Medical Journal 15 (February 1905): 30-32; U.S. Department of the Interior, Report of the Commissioner of Education, 1889-1890, 1895-1896, 1898-1899, 1903 (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office); Alumnae Catalogue of the University of Michigan, 1937-1921 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 1923).

2 The notorious exceptions were the Massachusetts Medical Society and the Montgomery County Medical Society in Pennsylvania, both of which put up dramatic rear-guard actions, only to succumb in the 1880s. See Mary Roth Walsh. “Doctors Wanted: No Women Need Apply”: Sexual Barriers in the Medical Profession 1835-1975 (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1977), 159-65; and Mary Putnam Jacobi, “Woman in Medicine,” in Annie Nathan Meyer, ed., Woman’s Work in America (New York, 1891), 205.

3 Jacobi, “Woman in Medicine,” 202-4; Clara Marshall, The Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania: An Historical Outline (Philadelphia, 1897), 89-142 has a list of publications. Also the Woman’s Medical Journal published a monthly bibliography after 1911. See WMJ 21 (January 1911): 8.

4 WMJ 18 (April 1908): 86.

5 Cora B. Marrett, “On the Evolution of Women’s Medical Societies,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 53 (Fall 1979): 434-38. Also Transactions of the Alumnae Association of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions), Philadelphia, 1875-1921, passim.

6 The association was originally titled the Medical Women’s National Association. See Regina Markell Morantz, “Bertha Van Hoosen,” in Notable American Women: The Modern Period, ed. Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1980), 706-7. For news of other women’s medical societies see WMJ 18 (April 1908): 63 and WMJ, passim, 1900-1920.

7 Walsh, “Doctors Wanted,” 178-267; “Medical Education Numbers,” JAMA, 1910-1930; William Chafe, The American Woman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 89-112; Barbara Harris, Beyond Her Sphere, Woman and the Professions in American History (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978), 95-126.

8 Charles Rosenberg, “The Therapeutic Revolution: Medicine, Meaning and Social Change in Nineteenth-Century America,” in Morris J. Vogel and Charles Rosenberg, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution: Essays in the Social History of American Medicine, 18.

9 See Edmund D. Pellegrino, “The Sociocultural Impact of Twentieth-Century Therapeutics,” in Rosenberg and Vogel, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution, 245-66; Richard Shryock, Medicine and Society in America, 1660-1860 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1960), 117-66; William G. Rothstein, American Physicians in the Nineteenth Century (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1972), 261-81; Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), 38-39.

10 Stevens, American Medicine, 39.

11 Quoted in Donald Fleming, William Welch and the Rise of Modern Medicine (Boston: Little, Brown, 1954), 104.

12 Both physicians’s comments quoted in Rosenberg, “The Therapeutic Revolution,” 20. See also Gerald Geison, “Divided We Stand: Physiologists and Clinicians in the American Context,” and Russ Maulitz, “Physician versus Bacteriologist”: The Ideology of Science in Clinical Medicine,” both in Rosenberg and Vogel, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution.

13 Fleming, William Welch, 104-5; Maulitz, ”Physician versus Bacteriologist,” 91-98; Robert E. Kohler, “Medical Reform and Biomedical Science: Biochemistry—A Case Study,” in Rosenberg and Vogel, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution, 27-35.

14 See Morris Vogel, The lnvention of the Modern Hospital: Boston, 7870-7930 (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1980); and ”The Transformation of the American Hospital, 1850-1920,” in Susan Reverby and David Rosner, eds., Health Care in America (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1979), 105-16; David Rosner, A Once Charitable Enterprise, Hospitals & Health Care in Brooklyn & New York, 7885-7975 (New York: Cambridge University Press), 1982.

15 “The Human in Medicine, Surgery and Nursing,” MWJ 32 (May 1925): 117- 19. See also Emily Dunning Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue: The Story of New York’s First 44’oman Ambulance Surgeon (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 244; and Josephine Baker, Fighting for Life (New York: Macmillan, 1939), 248, for other responses similar to Mosher’s.

16 Elizabeth Peck, M.D., “Presidential Address,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1901, p. 42ff.; Harding to Van Hoosen, 6 May 1936, Van Hoosen MSS, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP); Baker, Fighting for Life, 248; Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue, 244.

17 Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order, 1877-1920 (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967), 295. See also Samuel P. Hays, “Political Parties and the Community-Society Continuum,” in William N. Chambers and Walter D. Burnham, eds., The American Party Systems (New York: Oxford University Press, 1967); and Rowland Berthoff, “The American Social Order, A Conservative Hypothesis,” American Historical Review 65 (April 1960): 495-514.

18 Wiebe, Search for Order 113-16; See also Burton Bledstein, The Culture of Professionalism (New York: W. W. Norton, 1976), passim; E. Richard Brown, Rockefeller Medicine Men (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1979); Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982); Robert E. Kohler, ”Medical Reform,” 27-66.

19 JAMA 37 (September 1901): 145-46; Also Kohler, ”Medical Reform,” 34.

20 Kohler, “Medical Reform,”34; Maulitz, “Physician versus Bacteriologist,” passim.

21 Stevens, American Medicine and the Public lnterest, 58-59, 69; Kohler, “Medical Reform,” 30-31.

22 Editorial in JAMA 35 (August 1900): 501, quoted in David Rosner and Gerald Markowitz, “Doctors in Crisis: Medical Education and Medical Reform During the Progressive Era, 1895-1915,” American Quarterly 25 (March 1973): 83-107.

23 Stevens, American Medicine and the Public lnterest, 68; Robert Hudson, “Abraham Flexner in Perspective: American Medical Education, 1865- 1910,” Bull. Hist. of Med. 56 (November-December 1972), 545-61.

24 Report of the Dean of the Woman’s Medical College, Northwestern University, President’s Report, 1897-1898, 41, Northwestern University Archives (NU).

25 See Address delivered by Dr. Emily Blackwell at the 31st Annual Commencement, 25 May 1899, Woman’s Medical College of the New York Infirmary, Final Catalogue, June 1899, p. 9-19.

26 See Blackwell’s Address, Final Catalogue, and also her remarks in the WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1899, p. 76-80. Also Clara Marshall, “Our Point of View,” Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania 66 (December 1915): 12.

27 Twenty-third Annual Announcement of the Northwestern University Woman’s Medical School, 1891-92, (Chicago: 1892), 5.

28 Northwestern University, A History, 1855-1905 (New York: 1905), 381; President’s Report, 1891-1892, Frank B. Crandon Papers, 23, NU Archives.

29 Ibid., 24.

30 See Report of the Dean of the Women’s Medical School in the President’s Report, 1895-1896, p. 33; 1897-1898, p. 41, NU Archives.

31 President’s Report for 1899-1900,1900-1901; Board of Trustees Minutes, 1900, 1901, 1902 NU Archives; Leslie B. Arey, Northwestern Univeresity Medical School, 1859-1959 (Evanston: Northwestern University, 1951), 118-22.

32 Erlanger Report and these replies are found in the Joseph Erlanger MSS, Washington University Medical School, St. Louis.

33 29 December 1917, Erlanger MSS.

34 W.S. Carter to Erlanger, 26 December 1917, Erlanger MSS.

35 Both letters dated 28 December 1917, Erlanger MSS.

36 25 December 1917.

37 5 January 1918. See also letters from Union, 26 December 1917, and Marquette, 27 December 1917.

38 27 December 1917; 3 January 1918.

39 27 December 1917.

40 26 December 1917.

41 Harvard finally admitted women in 1946, Jefferson in 1961. Columbia, Yale, and Pennsylvania had opened their doors in 1918.

42 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1917, p. 78; Clara Raven, M.D., ”Bertha Van Hoosen,” Journal of the American Medical Women’s Association (JAMWA) 18 (July 1963): 239.

43 Purnell’s comments in WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1918, p. 52-53; Welsh’s comments in WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1912, p. 22.

44 Gulielma Fell Alsop, A History of the Woman’s Medical College (Philadelphia : J.B. Lippincott, 1950), 155-63.

45 See “Material Received from Mr. Hay,” Folders 13 and 14, which contain letters regarding this matter, MCP Archives.

46 Undated Report, Hay Box, Folder 13, MCP Archives.

47 Ibid.

48 “Statement of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania On Support of its Application for State Aid,” 1904, Martha Tracy MSS, Folder 14, MCP Archives.

49 Morris to Frances Daskam, 20 October 1960, Morris Folder, Alumnae Files, MCP Archives.

50 Abraham Flexner, Medical Education in the United States and Canada (New York: The Carnegie Foundation, 1910), 296.

51 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1911, p. 35-36.

52 Colwell to Dr. Annie Bosworth, Secretary to the Dean, in Clara Marshall MSS, MCP Archives; and WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1913, p. 134ff.

53 14 February 1913. See also letters dated 28 January 1913, 16 January, 18 March, 28 March, 18 July 1914, and 30 June 1916 in Clara Marshall MSS, MCP Archives.

54 See Alsop, Woman’s Medical College, 173, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1917, p. 77; ibid., p. 132.

55 Alsop, Woman’s Medical College, 225-29. Also the American Medical Women’s Association Minutes, 15-17 May 1927, p. 45-48, AMWA Collection, Cornell University.

56 See Estelle Freedman, “Separatism as Strategy: Female Institution Building and American Feminism, 1870-1930,” Feminist Studies 5 (Fall 1979): 512-29, for an important and suggestive beginning.

57 This description of modern therapeutics relies on Edmund D. Pellegrino, M.D., “From the Rational to the Radical: The Sociocultural Impact of Modern Therapeutics,” in Vogel and Rosenberg, eds., The Therapeutic Revolution, 253-56; and George L. Engel, ”The Need for a New Medical Model: A Challenge for Medicine” Science 196 (April 1977): 129-35.

58 Elizabeth Gregg, “The Tuberculosis Nurse under Municipal Direction,” Public Health Nursing Quarterly 5 (October 1913): 16. I am indebted to Dr. Barbara Bates for this citation.

59 Rosner and Markowitz, ”Doctors in Crisis,” 89.

60 Statistics on the numbers of women graduate students are taken from the Records of the Commissionerof Education, 1894-1895, 1910,1915,1918 (Washington, D.C.: Government Printing Office). Statistics on women welfare workers, ”physicians and surgeons attendants,” and ”keepers of charitable and penal institutions“ are taken from U.S. Bureau of Census, U.S. Census of Population (Washington, D.C.; U.S. Government Printing Office, 1900, 1910, 1920). See also Lois Scharf, To Work and to Wed (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 5-6.

61 Barbara Harris, Beyond Her Sphere, Women and the Professions in American History, (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1978), 101.

62 Henry F. May, The End of American Innocence (New York: Knopf, 1959); William L. O’Neill, Divorce in the Progressive Era (New Haven, Conn.: Yale University Press, 1967);.James R. McGovern, “The American Woman’s Pre-World War I Freedom in Manners and Morals,” Journal of American History 55 (September 1968): 315-33; Regina Markell Morantz, “The Scientist as Sex Crusader: Alfred Kinsey and American Culture,” American Quarterly 29 (Winter 1977): 563-89; Sheila M. Rothman, Women’s Proper Place (New York: Basic Books, 1978); and John Burnham, “The Progressive Era Revolution in Attitudes Toward Sex,“Journal of American History 59 (March 1973): 885-908.

63 Harris, Beyond Her Sphere, 134.

64 Joyce Antler, “Feminism as Life Process: The Life and Career of Lucy Sprague Mitchell,” Feminist Studies 7 (Spring 1981): 134-57.

65 The Council on Medical Education introduced their rating system in 1910.

66 Moses to Elinor Bleumel, 6 September 1955, Sabin MSS, Box 30, Smith College.

1 Woman’s Medical Journal (WMJ) 25 (December 1915): 279-80.

2 See Editorial in WMJ 18 (April 1898): 45; and Margaret E. Colby’s presidential address to the Iowa Society of Medical Women, WMJ 12 (July 1902): 153-55. 3. “Medical Women and Hospital Appointments,”WMJ 11 (August 1901): 307; “Women Physicians in Public Institutions, WMJ 18 (April 1908): 70; “Our Denver Letter,” WMJ 19 (March 1909): 60-61; “Hospital Opportunities for Women” WMJ 20 (January 1910): 17; “Medical Women-In History and In Present Day Practice,” WMJ 27 (April 1917): 86; Ruth W. Lathrop, “Women Physicians as Teachers,” WMJ 18 (April 1908): 70-72; Announcements of the admission of women to Yale and Columbia, WMJ 26 (August 1916): 203; and WMJ 25 (March 1916): 70. These are a mere sampling of many articles devoted to these topics.

4 Bertha Van Hoosen, “Looking Backward,” Journal of the American Medical Women’s Association 5 (October 1950): 406-8.

5 Potter to Mrs. F. Daskam, 1 June 1950, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives, (MCP); “The Medical Woman as Teacher in Medical Schools,” WMJ 11 (September 1910): 325-30.

6 “Medical Opportunties for Women,” MWJ 34 (June 1927): 173-74. The Woman’s Medical Journal changed its name to the Medical Woman’s Journal (MWJ) in 1922.

7 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1912, p. 43.

8 Ibid., 44.

9 Ibid., 43.

10 Ibid., 77.

11 Ibid., 79.

12 See the comparative study including charts and statistics published in the Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania 65 (March 1915): 19-21; “The Field for Women of Today in Medicine,” WMJ 26 (February 1916): 41-44. For the publicity campaign at the Woman’s Medical College see the Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania 66 (December 1915), and 71 (March 1921), passim; and the pamphlet Natural Guardians of the Race, 1926, published by the college. Also Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania 65 (June 1914), passim; and Ellen C. Potter’s article “The Choice of a Vocation,” 17-72. Also Lida Stewart-Cogill, “Deficiencies in Follow-up Methods for Mothers’ Health,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1920, p. 17.

13 See for example the letters of support during the 1915-1916 endowment campaign from the Philadelphia Evening Bulletin; President Woodrow Wilson, William A. Welch, M.D., of Johns Hopkins; Rudolph Blankenburg, Mayor of Philadelphia; and N. P. Colwell, Secretary of the AMA Council on Medical Education, who wrote that the college was conducted with “high ideals” and that money given to continue its existence would be a “splendid investment” to “aid in the training of more thoroughly qualified women physicians, who have a distinct place in the social needs of the American people.” Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 66 (March 1916): 11, and 66 (December 1916): 14-15.

14 “Suggestions as the Future Policy of the Journal,” WMJ 19 (January 1910): 10- 11 ; WMJ 20 (February 1910): 34; “Segregation” WMJ 21 (May 1911): 104; Luella E. Astell, M.D., “Opportunity,” WMJ 23 (November 1913): 241-43.

15 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1892, p. 126.

16 WMJ 18 (April 1898): 45.

17 See Minutes of this meeting, November 1915, in American Medical Women’s Association, AMWA MSS, Box 1, Folder 3, Cornell University; see also Bertha Van Hoosen, Petticoat Surgeon (Chicago: Pelligrini & Cudahy, 1947), 200-215.

18 WMJ 26 (May 1916): 132; WMJ 26 (April 1916): 97-98; WMJ 26 (June 1916): 159; WMJ 27 (January 1917): 245.

19 For the position of female physicians in the profession in California see Bulletin of the Medical Women’s National Association, July 1925, p. 19; Van Hoosen, Petticoat Surgeon, 203. See the brief history of the American Women’s Hospitals by Nancy Hewitt in Collections, The Newsletter of the Archives and Special Collections on Women in Medicine, published by the Medical College of Pennsylvania, June 1982. The Woman’s Medical Journal published periodic reports on the accomplishments of American Women’s Hospitals from 1918 on.

20 See Minutes of the Board of Directors of the Medical Women’s National Association, June 1924, AMWA Collection, Cornell University; Hamilton to Mary O‘Malley, M.D., 27 September 1922, in National Women’s Party MSS, Reel 17, Schlesinger Library. Finally Hamilton to Ann Reed Bremner of the Survey, 10 February 1938, in American Social Hygiene Association Archives, University of Minnesota.

21 Emily Bacon to Elinor Bleumel, 21 September 1955, Sabin MSS, Box 30, Smith College; Macfarlane to Sabin, 18 September 1936; Sabin to Macfarlane, 22 September 1936; Macfarlane to Sabin, 28 September 1936; Sabin to Macfarlane, 9 October 1936; Sabin to Mead, 9 September 1935; Sabin to Van Hoosen, 1 April 1933; Van Hoosen to Sabin, 9 January 1933, 23 August 1922, 25 April 1933, all in Sabin MSS, American Philosophical Society.

22 Walker to Van Hoosen, 6 February 1940, Van Hoosen MSS, Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP).

23 See the minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association meeting for 26 June 1923, p. 15, AMWA Collection, Cornell University; Rosemary Shoemaker to Bertha Van Hoosen, 7 July 1939; Jane Sands Robb to Van Hoosen, 5 July 1935, in Van Hoosen MSS, MCP Archives. For male membership in the AMA see James G. Burrow, AMA: Voice of American Medicine (Baltimore : Johns Hopkins, 1963), 49-51.

24 Carol Lopate, Women in Medicine (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1968), 17.

25 Bulletin of the Medical Women’s National Association, April 1926, p. 10.

26 WMJ 21 (May 1911): 105-15; Presidential Address of Eleanor C. Jones, published in WMJ 23 (July 1913): 159; Marion C. Potter, “Legal Medicine,” WMJ 24 (June 1914): 114-15; Minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association meeting, June 1921, especially Report of Dr. Elizabeth Bass, p. 7, AMWA Collection, Cornell University.

27 See Paul Boyer, Urban Masses and Moral Order in America, 1820-1920 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1978), especially 189-90; Robert Wiebe, The Search for Order (New York: Hill and Wang, 1967); and John Burnham’s excellent essay in John Burnham, John D. Buenker, and Robert M. Crunden, eds., Progressivism (Cambridge: Schenkman Publishing Company, 1977) 3-29; quotation cited by Burnham, Progressivism, 6.

28 Wiebe, Search for Order, 169, 174; Burnham, Progressivism, 18-20.

29 WMJ 20 (August 1910): 161-64. See also Luella E. Axtell, “Presidential Address” to Wisconsin Medical Women’s Society, WMJ 23 (November 1913): 241-43: “The Medical Woman is a close point of contact between science and humanitarianism. Her social instincts make her a peculiarly fit tool in the fashioning of a better social order, especially in the work touching home and child life.”

30 For an excellent discussion of this transition, see Barbara Rosenkrantz, “Cart Before Horse: Theory, Practice and Professional Image in American Public Health, 1810-1920,” Jour. Hist. Med 29 (Spring 1975): 55-73.

31 For Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania alumnae association meetings see the Alumnae Transactions, 1890-1920, passim; Miriam Bitting-Kennedy “Gonorrhoea in Women,” and Caroline Purnell, “Gonorrhoea as an Etiological Factor in Pelvic Inflammation,” where Purnell observed, “Just as long as physicians teach men that social conditions require or make it necessary for them to have extra-marital intercourse, and suggest methods of protection to themselves so that they can have impure intercourse, just so long will women continue to suffer from this dread disease.” Both in WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1898, p. 49-56; Bertha C. Downing, “The Child—Some of His Needs Which the Medical Profession Are Neglecting,” ibid., 1907, p. 97ff.; Jane Kimmel Garver, “A Study in Heredity,” ibid., 1892, p. 62ff; Frances Van Gasken, “Tenement Houses in Philadelphia,” ibid., 1895, p. 112; Frieda E. Lippert, “Possibilities of Medical Charity,” ibid., 1894, pp. 70-77; Lena Ingraham, “Preventive Medicine,” ibid., 1887, p. 44; Ella L. Dester, “On the Desirability of Examination of the Eyes of All School-Children,” ibid., 1892, p. 156. See, for example, articles on Chicago’s sewage problem (a cause of typhoid), protestations against quackery, information on an outbreak of bubonic plague in San Francisco, and a report on the international prostitution problem in the WMJ 13 (January 1903). See also Josephine L. Peavey, M.D., “Criminal Abortion,” WMJ 9 (June 1899): 209-16; Helen C. Putnam, “Against the Spirocheta Pallida and Diplococcus of Neisser,” WMJ 19 (January 1909):1-24; Evangeline W. Young, “The Conservation of Manhood and Womanhood,” WMJ 20 (March 1910): 51-52; “Means for Securing Sex Hygiene,” WMJ 23 (January 1913): 13; “The Tuberculosis Congress,” WMJ 11 (August 1901): 303; Sophia Hinze Scott, “Prevention of Infant Mortality,” WMJ 21 (July 1911): 141-44; Isabelle Thompson Smart, “Relation of Women in Industry to Child Welfare,” WMJ 21 (March 1911): 45-49; Helen C. Putnam, “Resume of an Address Given on Efficient Teaching of Hygiene and Morals in the Public Schools,” WMJ 19 (May 1909): 101; Emily Wright, M.D., “Duty of the Employer to Employee as Regards Recreation: Duty to the Poor,” WMJ 16 May 1906): 69-70; “Health of Pottery Workers,” “Child Labor Law in Illinois,” “A Woman Health Officer,” WMJ 13 (May 1903): 93-94; “Child Labor,” WMJ (April 1903): 71-72; “The Need for Sex Hygiene,” WMJ22 (December 1912): 288; “The Ballot for Women a Great Factor in Social Reform,” WMJ (December 1912) 289. See also Louise Fiske Bryson, M.D., “Women Physicians and Public Health,” in Woman’s Cycle 1 (9 January 1890): 3; “What Shall We Do with the Poor,” Woman’s Cycle 1 13 June 1890, p. 3-4, and “Disciplining the Machine,” ibid., 2 (24 July 1890): 3-4. See also Alice Hamilton, M.D., “Occupational Conditions of Tuberculosis,” The Charities & The Commons 16 (5 May 1906): 205-7, and “The Social Settlement and Public Health, ibid., 17 (9 March 1907): 1037-1040. These citations are merely for example and do not cover in any thorough manner the vast number of articles written and published by women physicians on these various topics. For the medical profession’s response to social reform see Lloyd C. Taylor, The Medical Profession and Social Reform, 1885-1945 (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1974); James G. Burrow, Organized Medicine in the Progressive Era (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1977); Paul Starr, The Social Transformation of American Medicine (New York: Basic Books, 1982), 180-98, 235-89.

32 WMJ 15 (April 1905): 83; Morton, A Woman Surgeon (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1937), 165.

33 Morris Fishbein, A History of the American Medical Association (Philadelphia, 1947), 999.

34 Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 166-67.

35 Yarros’s comments can be found in the WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1913, p. 111.

36 Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 166-69. Also reports in the WMJ 11 (February 1911): 33-36; WMJ 6 (July 1906): 16; WMJ 12 (July 1912): 158-61; Rosalie Slaughter Morton, ”Woman’s Place in the Public Health Movement,” read before the AMA Section on Preventive Medicine and Public Health,” June 1911; WMJ 12 (May 1912): 99-102; and WMJ 12 (April 1912): 83-87; and Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, “The Duty of Medical Women for Public Health Education,” WMJ 14 (May 1914): 89-92. See also report on the formation of the committee from the New York Herald Tribune, 10 April 1910.

37 See for example, “Women’s Clubs and Sanitary Science,” WMJ 11 (June 1901); and “Women’s Clubs and Sanitary Effort,” WMJ 11 (July 1901): 229- 93.

38 See the editorial on the importance of good housekeeping, “Housekeeping a Neglected Science and Art,” WMJ 13 (March 1903): 51-52; and Marguerite W. Moir, “Preventive Medicine and Euthenics,” WMJ 34 (January 1927): 7-9.

39 See the program for the lecture series at the Academy in Emma Walker MSS, Smith College; flier for Brooklyn lecture series in Clelia Mosher MSS, Stanford. Also the letter to Clelia from Eliza Mosher, 13 December 1909, in which Eliza writes, “We are all busy with our hygiene teaching under the direction of the AMA.” Mosher MSS, Stanford University. See also WMJ 11 (January 1911): 9.

40 Annual Report of the State Chairwoman of Health of the California Federation of Women’s Clubs, n.d., in Anita Newcomb McGee MSS, Library of Congress; see also Report of Dr. Belle Wood-Comstock, president of the Woman’s Medical Society of Los Angeles, in the Bulletin of the Medical Women’s National Association, July 1926, pp. 30-31.

41 Morton, A Woman’s Surgeon, 174-75.

42 Fishbein, A History of the American Medical Association, 273.

43 Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 169; Sadler, Report of the Chairman of Public Health, June 1929, minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association 1929 meeting, AMWA Collection, Cornell University.

44 See Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania 66 (December 1915): 24-25; ibid., (March 1916): 20, and pamphlet, Medical Women in Health Education, n.d., but probably 1918, in MCP Archives.

45 Minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association Meeting, 26 June 1923, pp. 24ff., AMWA Collection, Cornell University.

46 See MWNA Minutes, 1922, p. 5; 1923, 1925, passim. See also the program of the International Conference of Women Physicians, 17-24 October 1919, organized by the Social Morality Committee and the War Work Council of the YWCA (in the MCP Archives); Morton, A Woman Surgeon, 157; Reports of the Committee on Public Health, Bulletin of the MWNA, July 1925, p. 15-16; October 1925, pp. 14, 15-17; July 1926, pp. 20-21, 30-32; October 1926, pp. 17, 21.

47 WMJ 20 (February 1910): 44.

48 Barringer, Bowery to Bellevue (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), 233.

49 WMJ 20 (February 1910): 37ff.

50 See Putnam, “Against the Spirocheta Pallida and Diplococcus of Neisser,” WMJ 19 (January 1909): 1-14; “The Teaching of Hygiene in America,” WMJ (June 1909): 11-14, and “Biologists in Public Schools, An Aid to Morals and Prosperity,” WMJ 17 (May 1907): 273-78; also Editorial, “The Need for Sex Hygiene,” WMJ 22 (December 1912): 288; “Means for Securing Sex Hygiene,” WMJ 23 (January 1913): 13. For information on Putnam’s career see the obituaries and other materials in her alumna file, MCP Archives.

51 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1920, p. 59.

52 See pamphlet Medical Women in Health Education, n.p., n.d. (but probably 1918), published by the Woman’s Medical College, MCP Archives. For an extensive analysis of antivenereal disease campaigns during this period see Allan Brandt, No Magic Bullet: A Social History of Venereal Disease in the United States Since 1880 (New York: Oxford University Press, 1985).

53 “The Social Causes of Criminal Abortion,” WMJ 14 (October 1904): 221-25; Rosalie Slaughter Morton, “A Higher Standard of Morality,” WMJ 21 (January 1910): 1-9; Maude Glasgow, “Side Lights on the Social Peril,” WMJ 24 (July 1914): 139-43; Evangeline W. Young, “The Conservation of Manhood and Womanhood,” WMJ 20 (March 1910): 51-52, and “The Early Corruption of Girls a Factor in Prostitution,” WMJ 23 (October 1913): 225-27; Edith Spaulding, “Mental and Physical Factors in Prostitution,” WMJ 24 (July 1914): 1-5; Lenna L. Meanes, “Presidential Address,” WMJ 20 (August 1910): 161-64. See also Linda Gordon and Ellen Dubois, “Seeking Exstasy on the Battlefield: Danger and Pleasure in Nineteenth-Century Feminist Sexual Thought,” Feminist Studies 9 (Spring 1983): 7-26, for an excellent discussion of changing feminist sexual ideology.

54 Kate Campbell Hurd-Mead, “The Medical Inspection of Schools from the Standpoint of the Physician,” WMJ 22 (December 1912): 281-86; “What Is Being Done In Boston to Secure Medical Women as School Inspectors,” WMJ 22 (February, March 1912): 61, 41; “Child Development,” WMJ 17 (February 1907): 219-21.

55 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1917, p. 94-100.

56 WMJ 25 (May 1915): 97.

57 “Eugenics or Deficiency,” WMJ 21 (October 1911): 216-19; Pauline Town-send-Hansen, “Eugenics,” WMJ 21 (July 1911): 156-59; Minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association meeting 25-26 May 1925, Cornell University; Isabelle Thompson Smart, “Some Potent Factors in the Seeming Increase in Mental Defects,” WMJ 23 (December 1913): 264-67; Teresa Bannan, “Modern Motherhood,” WMJ 15 (June 1905): 129-30; Edith Spaulding, “Mental and Physical Factors in Prostitution,” WMJ 24 (July 1914): 1-5; Sophia Hinze Scott, “Prevention of Infant Mortality,” WMJ 21 (July 1911): 141-44.

58 “The Medical Inspection of Schools from the Standpoint of the Physician,” WMJ 22 (December 1912): 281-86; also Lenna Meanes, “Presidential Address,” where she speaks of the “yellow peril,” 162.

59 See “Protest Against the Teaching of Birth Control,” MWJ 32 (December 1925): 320; also “Women Doctors and Social Morality,” clipping in Eliza Mosher Papers, from New York Times, 1925, in which she says, “Many of the women who eagerly advocate birth control are too lazy to bear children and are fearful of endangering the beauty of their physical forms.” Michigan Historical Collections. See also Teresa Bannan, “Modern Motherhood,” WMJ 15 (June 1905): 129-30. Also see Brooklyn Eagle 4 June 1915, for a discussion of the signing by prominent physicians (headed by Abraham Jacobi) of a petition at the Academy of Medicine urging a state amendment that would no longer make it a crime for physicians to give out birth control information. Women doctors divided on the issue. Mosher came out against it, but Dr. Elizabeth Muncie, a Brooklyn colleague, supported it. See also Inez Philbrick, “The Social Causes of Criminal Abortion,” WMJ 14 (October 1904) 221-25.

60 15 February 1916, Children’s Bureau Central Files, 191-4-1920, Box 22, National Archives.

61 One of the most prominent of these male clinicians was Robert Latou Dickinson, a Brooklyn gynecologist and early sex researcher, who published an important collection of case studies, One Thousand Marriages, in 1931. See Inez Philbrick, “Criminal Abortion.” For more on Dickinson see James W. Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue (New York: Basic Books, 1978), 143-66; Regina Markell Morantz, “The Scientist as Sex Crusader: Alfred Kinsey and American Culture,” American Quarterly 39 (Winter 1977): 563- 89. For other examples of liberal clinicians see C. W. Malchow, “Unequalized Sexual Sense and Development the Great Cause of Domestic Infelicity and Nervousnesss in Women,” Northwestern Lancet 23 (1903): 64-68; Ma-lone Duggan, “The Instruction of Women on the Questions of Sex, Venereal Diseases and Early Detection of Cancer,” Texas State Journal of Medicine, (March 1908), 286-87; G. H. Swayze, “Daughters of Eve,” Medical Times 37 (1909): 298-303.

62 “Phimosis in the Female,” WMJ (May 1906): 70-72, 76-77. Phimosis is “adhesion between the clitoris and the prepuce.”

63 See the survey itself in the Mosher papers, Stanford University. Two sensitive though contrasting historical treatments are Carl Degler, “What Ought to Be and What Was,” American Historical Review 79 (December 1974): 1467-90; and Rosalind Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1982), 178-97.

64 Italics mine; “Birth Control and Its Relation to Health and Welfare,” MWJ 32 (November 1925): 268-70; see also Bulletin of the Medical Women’s National Association, October 1928, p. 12-13, for a discussion of birth control by the Race Betterment Committee. See also the program of the “First Pennsylvania State Conference on Birth Control,” at the Ritz Carleton Hotel, Philadelphia, 13 January 1922, sponsored by the American Birth Control League, in which Kate Baldwin, Lida Stewart-Coghill, Catherine MacFarlane, and other women physicians spoke. MacFarlane MSS, MCP Archives; “Birth Control and the Woman Physician,” a talk given by Hannah Stone, M.D., who ran Sanger’s Birth Control Clinical Research Bureau in New York, MCP Archives; letters from Margaret Sanger to Bertha Van Hoosen, 11 July 1933, and 4 February 1937; Lydia DeVilbiss to Van Hoosen, 12 October 1937, in Van Hoosen MSS, MCP Archives. See Alice Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 110, where she talks about being drawn into the birth control movement by Dr. Yarros. There is still a great deal of information to be gleaned on the participation of women physicians, especially in running the birth control clinics, in the Sanger papers, Smith College. A number of women doctors served on the Council of the Voluntary Parenthood League, including Kate Baldwin, Mary Elizabeth Bates, Anna E. Blount, Lydia DeVilbiss, Antoinette Konikow, and Hilda H. Noyes. Stationery in Children’s Bureau files, National Archives. See also Jim Reed, From Private Vice to Public Virtue; and Linda Gordon, Woman’s Body, Woman’s Right (New York: Viking Press, 1976).

65 Editorial, WMJ 19 (March 1909): 59.

66 Baker, Fighting for Life (New York: Macmillan, 1939), 64-107.

67 “The Division of Child Hygiene of the Department of Health of New York City,” WMJ 20 (April 1910): 72-75, 76.

68 Fighting for Life, 113; “The Division of Child Hygiene of the Department of Health of New York City,” 73. For opposition to midwives among women physicians see Margaret Colby, “Pregnancy and Parturition from a Woman’s Point of View,” WMJ 12 (December 1902): 272; Margaret Butler “Introductory Address” to the Medical Class of 1913, Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1913, Butler’s Alumnae Folder, MCP Archives; and “Symposium on Midwifery,” WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1913, p. 69-90.

69 Baker, Fighting for Life, 113.

70 Ibid., 115.

71 Ibid., 115ff.

72 For a summary of this work see Rosalie Slaughter Morton, “Woman’s Place in the Public Health Movement,” WMJ 22 (April and May 1912): 83-87; 99-102. See Nancy Weiss, “The Children’s Bureau: A Case Study in Women’s Voluntary Networks” (Paper delivered at the Third Berkshire Conference on the History of Women, Bryn Mawr College, 9-11 June 1976; and Save the Children: A History of the Children’s Bureau (Ph.D. diss., University of California, Los Angeles, 1974), 10, for an especially insightful study of the Bureau’s work and significance, the study on which this discussion is based.

73 Kimball, Report, Children’s Bureau Record Group, 102 Folder 4-0-1-1, quoted in Weiss, “The Children’s Bureau,” p. 12.

74 Mrs. P. S. to Julia Lathrop, Kansas City, Mo., 17 August 1919; Mrs. Max West to Mrs. P. S., 21 August 1919;’Mrs. H. B. to Children’s Bureau, 29 February 1916; Lathrop to Mrs. H. B., 2 March 1916. All in Children’s Bureau Record Group 102, Folder 4-2-1-0, National Archives.

75 Mrs. F. G., Andrus, Wis., to Miss Gertrude B. Knipp, 1 October 1917; Mrs. Max West to Mrs. F. G., 6 October 1917; Children’s Bureau Record Group 102, Folder 2-4-2-03. In her Manuscript Autobiography Mendenhall writes of having criticized the Bureau’s prenatal care pamphlets as unrealistic for rural mothers. See her discussion of her work for the Bureau, first in Washington, D.C., and then in Wisconsin. Mendenhall MSS, 55, Smith College.

76 30 January 1917, Children’s Bureau Record Group 102, Box 22, National Archives.

77 See Taylor, The Medical Profession and Social Reform, chapter 5.

78 Taylor, The Medical Profession and Social Reform, 107-9; Sheila Rothman, Woman’s Proper Place (New York: Basic Books, 1978), 136-53; J. Stanley Lemons, The Woman Citizen (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1973), 153-80.

79 Baker, Fighting for Life, 138.

80 See “Report of the Accomplishments under the Maternity and Infancy Act,” MWJ 32 (November 1925): 308-9; “Report of the Idaho Bureau of Child Hygiene,” MWJ 33 (December 1926): 344-46; “Sheppard-Towner Work in Pennsylvania,” MWJ 34 (June 1927): 16-18. These are just examples. See also the Bulletin of the Medical Women’s National Association, July 1927, p. 21-22.

81 Minutes of the annual meeting of the Medical Women’s National Association, 25-26 May 1925, n.p., AMWA Collection, Cornell University.

82 For a description of social therapeutics see Morris Vogel, “Machine Politics and Medical Care: The City Hospital at the Turn of the Century,” Morris Vogel and Charles Rosenberg, The Therapeutic Revolution, 159-64. For excellent accounts of the defeminization of the Academy and of science itself see Rosalind Rosenberg, Beyond Separate Spheres, passim; and Margaret Rossiter, Women Scientists in America (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1983).

83 See, for example, Mary Lobdell, “Can Men and Women Doctors Be a Help to Each Other?” WMJ 15 (February 1905): 30-32, where she writes, “The woman doctor has come, and she has come to stay; though she has not, and I think never will come in alarmingly large numbers.” See also Gertrude Baillie, “Should Professional Women Marry?” WMJ 2 (February 1894): 33-35.

84 Minutes of the Medical Woman’s National Association meeting, June 1924, p. 18-19.

85 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1918, p. 39.

86 Ibid., 21. Also a report on the work of the American Women’s Hospitals, Ibid., p. 42.

87 -see Richard Cabot, “Women in Medicine,” JAMA 65 (11 September 1915): 947-48; rejoinder by S. Adolphus Knopf, WMJ 25 (July 1916): 159-60; for newspaper accounts see Philadelphia Record, 3 June 1915; Philadelphia Press, 3 June 1915; Philadelphia Record, 4 June 1915; Philadelphia Evening Bulletin, 3 June 1915; Philadelphia Public Ledger, 3 June 1915; and Magazine Section of the Public Ledger, 20 June 1915.

88 Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, January 1924, pp. 6-7. See also Avis Marion Saint, “Women in Public Service,” Public Personnel Studies 8 (July, August, September 1930): 104-7, 119-22.

89 Diary, 1915, 1916. In the possession of her grand-niece Beatrice Beech Macleod.

90 For recent work on rofessionalization that does take women into account see Joan Jacobs Brumberg and Nancy Tomes, “Women in the Professions: A Research Agenda for Historians,” Reviews in American History 10 (June 1982): 275-96.

91 Sinclair Lewis, Arrowsmith (New York: Signet Classics, 1980), 213-15.

92 Charles Rosenberg, “Martin Arrowsmith: The Scientist as Hero,” American Quarterly 15 (Fall 1963): 447-59.

93 See “Report from Kansas,” Minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association Meeting, June 1924, p. 47.

94 Tower to Bleumel, 15 December 1955, Box 30, Sabin MSS, Smith College.

1 New York Times, 16 September 1921.

2 Journal of the American Association of University Women 15 (October 1921): 1-2.

3 Baker, Fighting for Life (New York: Macmillan, 1939), 190-91.

4 See Hamilton, Exploring the Dangerous Trades (Boston: Little, Brown, 1943), 252ff. Helen Taussig, another medical “star,” had a similar experience with the Harvard School of Public Health. See A. McGee Harvey, Adventures in Medical Research (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press, 1974), 232-33.

5 See tables in Appendix of Patricia M. Hummer, The Decade of Elusive Promise, Professional Women in the United States, 1920-1930 (Ann Arbor: Research Press, 1976), 143-48; sources: “Medical Education Numbers” by year of the Journal of the American Medical Association, 1910-1930; U. S. Bureau of Education, “Bienneal Survey of Education,” 1920-1930. See also Hummer’s discussion, 61.

6 Women in Medicine, October 1936, p. 14.

7 Fighting for Life, 201.

8 Rosalie Slaughter Morton, A Woman Surgeon (New York: Frederick A. Stokes, 1937), Preface, vii; Baker, Fighting for Life, 35.

9 Alumnae Transactions of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 1917, p. 78 (hereafter cited as WMCP Alumnae Transactions).

10 See clipping from the New York Times, “Medical Profession Recognizing Women Physicians on an Equal Plane,” 1929, in Connie Guion MSS, Smith College; Florence Sherbon, “Women in Medicine,” Medical Woman’s Journal (MWJ) 32 (September 1925): 240-42.

11 For Sabin’s comment see Madelaine R. Brown, M.D., to Elinor Bleumel, 4 October 1955, Sabin MSS, Box 30, Smith College. For a similar account by Alice Hamilton, see a letter to her sister Edith, 25 May 1918, Hamilton MSS, Schlesinger Library. Thanks to Barbara Sicherman for this reference. Also Voorhis, “The Medical Woman of the Future,” MWJ 36 (July 1929): 174-76; Yarros, “Medical Women of Tomorrow,” MWJ 26 (June 1916): 147. Finally Sherbon, “Women in Medicine,” p. 241-2.

12 For Van Hoosen’s work see “Opportunities for Medical Women Interns,” MWJ 33 (April 1926): 102-5; MWJ 33 (May 1926): 126-28; MWJ 33 (December 1926): 341-43; “Shall Medical Women Hold Official Positions in the A.M.A.?” MWJ 34 (October 1927): 287-88; “Medical Opportunities for Women” MWJ 34 (June 1927): 173-75; “The Woman Physician-Quo Vadis ^?” MWJ 36 (January 1929): 1-4. For the quotation from Van Hoosen see Bulletin of the Medical Women’s National Association, October 1930, p. 8, and July 1925, p. 19. See also “Report of Committee on Medical Opportunities for Women,” Minutes of the 1929 meeting of the Medical Women’s National Association (MWNA), AMWA Collection, Cornell University, Box 1, Folder 11.

13 Inez Philbrick, “Women, Let Us Be Loyal to Women!” MWJ 36 (February 1929): 39-42.

14 See Lois Scharf, To Work and to Wed: Female Employment, Feminism, and the Great Depression (Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press, 1980), 21; Hummer, Elusive Promise, 113-31; William Chafe, The American Woman (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972), 89-132; Carl Degler, At Odds: Women and the Family in America from the Revolution to the Present (New York: Oxford University Press, 1980), 395-435; Estelle B. Freedman, “The New Woman: Changing Views of Women in the 1920’s,” Journal of American History 61 (September 1974): 372-93; Frank Stricker, “Cookbooks and Law Books: The Hidden History of Career Women in Twentieth-Century America.” Journal of Social History 10 (Fall 1976): 1-19; Winifred D. Wandersee, Women’s Work and Family Values, 1920-1940 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 7-84.

15 Scharf, To Work and to Wed, 15-16, 41; Bromley, “Feminist—New Style,” Harper’s Monthly Magazine, 155 (October 1927): 552-60.

16 Ethel Puffer Howes, “Continuity for Women,” Atlantic Monthly 130 (December 1922): 735; Anne S. Richardson, “When Mother Goes to Business,” Woman’s Home Companion 57 (December 1930): 22; Suzanne La Follette, Concerning Women (New York: Albert and Charles Bond, 1926), 270; Lorinne Pruette, “The Married Woman and the Part-Time Job,” Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science, 143 (May 1929): 302.

17 For early attempts to combine career and family, see Joyce Antler, “Feminism as Life Process: The Life and Career of Lucy Sprague Mitchell,” Feminist Studies 7 (Spring 1981): 134-57. See Mary Ross, “The New State of Women in America” in S. D. Schmalhausen and V. F. Calverton, eds., Woman’s Coming of Age (New York: Horace Liveright, 1931), 546.

18 Bromley, “Feminist—New Style,” 556; Luella E. Astell, “Presidential Address,” WMJ 23 (November 1913): 241-43.

19 “Modern Homemaking in Relation to the Liberal Arts College for Women,” Journal of the American Association of University Women 19 (October 1925): 7-8.

20 Scharf, To Work and to Wed, 42, 202-27; Hummer, Elusive Promise, 7; Lois Banner, Women in Modern America: A Brief History, 2d ed. (New York: Harcourt Brace, 1984), 160; Watson’s comment is reprinted in an edition of These Modern Women, edited by Elaine Showalter (Old Westbury: Feminist Press, 1978), 144. See also John B. Watson, Psychological Care of Infant and Child (New York: W. W. Norton, 1928); and U. S. Department of Labor, Are You Training Your Child to Be Happy? (Washington, D.C.: Children’s Bureau, 1928).

21 Quoted in June Sochen, The New Woman in Greenwich Village, 1910-1920 (New York: Quadrangle, 1972), 49-50.

22 Ross, “The New State of Women,” 546; Hansl, “What About the Children? The Question of Mothers and Careers,” Harper’s Monthly Magazine 154 (January 1927): 220-27. See Elaine Showalter’s sensitive and intelligent introduction to These Modern Women, 7. Collier, Marriages and Careers: A Study of One Hundred Women Who are Wives, Mothers, Homemakers and Professional Women (New York: The Channel Bookshop, 1926). See Banner, Women in Modern America, 154.

23 Pruette, Women and Leisure: A Study of Social Waste (New York: Dutton & Co., 1924); Chafe, The American Woman, 102.

24 Sherbon, “Women in Medicine,” 242.

25 Irma Benjamin, “Marriage and Fame,” Philadelphia Public Ledger, 17 January 1932.

26 Connie Guion to Dean Lucy Wilson of Wellesley College, 26 September 1949, Guion MSS, Box 2, Smith College; Brown, “What Medicine Offered in 1888 and Now in 1938,” reprint from Woman’s City Club Magazine, August 1838, in “Women Physicians-U.S.” Box, Smith College.

27 Interview of author with Marion Fay, 11 July 1977, p. 14-15, Women in Medicine Oral History Project. See also Interview with Dr. Katherine Sturgis, 11 and 12 July 1977, p. 32 for a similar perspective. Medical College of Pennsylvania Archives (MCP).

28 For more on Dr. Arthur E. Hertzler, Koeneke’s husband, see Hertzler’s autobiography, The Horse and Buggy Doctor (Lincoln; University of Nebraska Press, 1938); Women in Medicine Oral History Project, Introductions to oral histories of Drs. Irene Koeneke, Katherine Sturgis, Natalie Shainess, Caroline Bedell Thomas, and Louise de Schweinitz, MCP Archives. See also Sherbon, “Women in Medicine,” 242.

29 Interview of author with of Louise de Schweinitz, 18 and 25 February 1977, p. 42, MCP Archives.

30 See Showalter, These Modern Women, Introduction, 21; all citations are taken from “Men are Queer That Way: Extracts from the Diary of An Apostate Woman Physician,” Scribner’s Magazine 93 (June 1933): 365-69.

31 Information on Ulrich’s later career from Scharf, To Work and to Wed, 126. Interestingly, Ulrich worked in the 1920s with Dr. Valeria Parker, another social hygiene activist who explained why she never practiced: “I am a graduate physician; but because I married another graduate physician who didn’t want his wife to practice, at the time when I should have been practicing, I was taking care of my babies.” Minutes of the Medical Women’s National Association, 1924, p. 55, AMWA Collection, Cornell University.

32 Edith Clark, “Trying to be Modern,” Nation, 125 (1927): 153-55; Pruette, “Why Women Fail,” Schmalhausen and Calverton, Woman’s Coming of Age, 23.

33 Frank Stricker argues that jobs in these latter areas actually increased in the 1920s and that the growth demonstrated women’s continued interest in work and their dissatisfaction with uninterrupted domesticity. See “Cookbooks and Lawbooks,” passim.

34 See “Medical Education in the U.S.” JAMA 57 (19 August 1911): 655; F. C. Zapffe, “Analysis of Entrance Credentials Presented by Freshmen Admitted in 1929,” Journal of the American Association of Medical Colleges 5 (July 1930): 231; “Medical Education in the United States,” JAMA 95 (16 August 1930): 504; N. P. Colwell, “Present Needs in Medical Education,” JAMA 82 (15 March 1924): 839; Rosemary Stevens, American Medicine and the Public Interest (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1971), passim. The higher numbers of women reflected temporary increases during the World Wars. See appropriate “Medical Education in the U.S.” numbers by year in JAMA.

35 “Women in Medicine,” 240-41.

36 Oral Interview of Dr. Katherine Sturgis, 38; Oral Interview of Dr. Pauline Stitt, 9 December 1977, p. 26-32; both in MCP Archives.

37 “Self-Help for College Students,” U.S. Dept. of the Interior, Bureau of Education, Bulletin no. 2, 1929, p. 58-61.

38 WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1918, p. 62.

39 U.S. Dept. of Interior, Bureau of Education, “Scholarships and Fellowships: Grants Available in the United States Colleges and Universities,” Bull. no. 15, 1931, p. 93-96, cited in Hummer, Elusive Promise, 63; Chase Going Woodhouse, “Opportunities for Women in the Medical Profession, Report of a Conference on Opportunities for Women in the Medical Profession and the Selection of Medical Students,” Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania 88 (May 1938): 10. See also Martha Tracy’s Report, WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1918, p. 62.

40 See Martha Tracy, “Greetings,” Conference on Opportunities for Women in the Medical Profession,” WMCP Bulletin, 4; F. C. Zapffe, ”Analysis of Entrance Credentials Presented by Freshmen Admitted in 1929,” 233-34; Burton D. Meyers, ”Report on Application for Matriculation in Schools of Medicine in the United States and Canada, 1929-1930,” American Association of Medical Colleges Journal 5 (March 1930): 65-66.

41 Meyers, ”Report,“” 87-88. For distribution of acceptances, see Education Numbers of JAMA for the appropriate years. See also Arthur C. Curtis, M.D., ”The Woman as a Student of Medicine” Bulletin of the Association of American Medical Colleges (AAMC), 2 (April 1927): 140-48.

42 Elizabeth Etheridge, ”Grace Goldsmith,” in Notable American Women: The Modern Period, eds. Barbara Sicherman and Carol Hurd Green (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1980), 284-85; Tracy, ”What Has Become of Women Graduates in Medicine,” Bulletin of the AAMC 2 (March 1927): 53.

43 See A. C. Curtis, ”The Woman as a Student of Medicine”; Van Hoosen, ”Quo Vadis,”2; Brown to Sabin, 15 January 1922, Sabin MSS, American Philosophical Society; Bulletin of the Woman’s Medical College of Pennsylvania, 73 (January 1923): 6.

44 Tracy, ”Greetings,” 4-5; Hummer, Elusive Promise, 65; Carol Lopate, Women in Medicine (Baltimore, Johns Hopkins, 1968), 93-94; Davis G. Johnson and Edwin B. Hutchings, ”Doctor or Dropout? A Study of Medica Student Attrition,” Journal of Medical Education 41 (1966): 1107-1204.

45 Bulletin of the MWNA, October 1928, p. 10; WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1929, p. 27.

46 27 September 1922, National Women’s Party MSS, Reel 17, Schlesinger Library. Thanks to Barbara Sicherman for the citation.

47 On standards, see Eleanor M. Hiestand-Moore, ”Reform in the Government Medical Schools”WMCP Alumnae Transactions, 1896, p. 65ff.; Inez C. Philbrick, ”Medical Colleges and Professional Standards,” JAMA (15 June 1901) 1700-1702; Helen MacMurchey, ”Medical Women and Hospital Appointments,” WMJ 11 (August 1901): 307; Editorial, ”Hospital Opportunities for Women,” WMJ 20 (January 1910): 17; Mary Sutton Macy, ”Medical Women—In History and Present Day Practice,” WMJ 27 (April 1917): 86.

48 Van Hoosen, ”Opportunities for Women Interns,” MWJ 33 (March, April, May 1926): 65 and passim, Sturgis File, letters dated 6 July 1918, 20 July 1918, and 24 October 1918, MCP Archives.

49 Oral Interview of Louise de Schweinitz, 34-35, MCP Archives.