1. Memorial of the College of Zacatecas to King Ferdinand VI, Jan. 15, 1750, in Leutenegger and Habig, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 54; Pedro de Rivera, “Diario y Derrotero” [Diary and Itinerary], in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 41; report by Tomás Felipe Winthuysen, Aug. 19, 1744, Béxar Archives, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin (hereafter cited as BA); strength reports and daily records of occurrences for the cavalry company of the royal presidio of San Antonio de Béxar for Jan. 1781, Mar. and Apr. 1783, BA; marqués de Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 181–82. Historian Peter Gerhard argues that “In no other colonial gobierno [area ruled by a governor] of America was the Spanish presence so tenuous as in Texas. Uninterrupted Spanish settlement here lasted just over a century, and it was confined to a few frontier outposts surrounded by ‘unreduced’ and often hostile Indians. The area under control was not always the same, as missions and garrisons were founded, moved about, and abandoned.” Gerhard, North Frontier of New Spain, 335–38.
2. In Rubí’s plan, implemented in the royal “Regulations” of 1772, San Antonio de Béxar and La Bahía would be the only towns above the line of presidios, spread at one-hundred-mile intervals from the Gulf of Mexico to California, to mark the northern limits of Spanish dominion and defense. Marqués de Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 181, 185, 195.
3. Morfi, History of Texas, 2:273; “Report of the Journey Made by Don Nicolás de Lafora in Company with Marqués de Rubí to Review the Interior Presidios,” in Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 185–86.
4. Cabeza de Vaca, Account; Adorno, “Negotiation of Fear,” 176; Wade, “Go-Between,” 333, 339.
5. Chipman, Spanish Texas, 205–6; Tjarks, “Comparative Demographic Analysis of Texas.” See Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 195, for comparison with the population of other provinces.
6. Teja, “Spanish Colonial Texas,” 114, 120–23, “St. James at the Fair,” and San Antonio de Béxar; J. Jackson, Los Mesteños; Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 192.
7. The work offering the best, indeed magisterial, narration of the cross-cultural relations of Spanish and Indian peoples in Texas (as well as New Mexico) during this period is John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds.
8. Richter in fact makes this statement to measure some improvement in perspectives on early America that in the past did not recognize the displacement and dispossession of Indian populations at European hands, instead seeing only a grand narrative of “civilization’s” progressive spread across the continent. Richter, Facing East from Indian Country, 8. See also White, Middle Ground, ix, 52. James Axtell asserts that historians “must imaginatively ignore our knowledge of the denouement.” Axtell, Invasion Within, 5.
9. Guy and Sheridan, “On Frontiers,” 4, 15; Baretta and Markoff, “Civilization and Barbarism,” 590; Merrill, “Cultural Creativity and Raiding Bands”; Slatta, “Spanish Colonial Military Strategy and Ideology”; K. Jones, “Comparative Raiding Economies.” See also the critical response of Wunder and Hämäläinen, “Of Lethal Places and Lethal Essays,” to Adelman and Aron, “From Borderlands to Borders.”
10. Shoemaker, Strange Likeness, 4–8.
11. DeMallie, “Kinship,” 307; Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War,” 98–99; Lévi-Strauss, Elementary Structures of Kinship. Studies that have explored kin-based political interactions between Indians and Europeans include G. Anderson, Kinsmen of Another Kind; Thorne, Many Hands of My Relations; and White, Middle Ground.
12. Shoemaker, “Categories,” 51; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 163; DeMallie, “Kinship,” 321–24, 328–30.
13. Interestingly, Tessie Liu persuasively argues for the links between racial thinking and kinship as principles of social organization if one considers how race can be a synonym for house, kindred, or family and how ideas of bloodlines and lineages stratified European societies. See Liu, “Race and Gender,” and “Teaching the Differences.” For racial categorizations in Spanish America, see Pagden, Fall of Natural Man; Mörner, Race Mixture; Cope, Limits of Racial Domination; R. Jackson, Race, Caste, and Status; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; and Estrada de Gerlero, “Representation of ‘Heathen Indians.’”
14. Weber, “Bourbons and Bárbaros,” 80, and Bárbaros, 15; Gradie, “Discovering the Chichimecas.”
15. Shoemaker, Strange Likeness, 125–40, and “How Indians Got to Be Red”; Merrell, “Racial Education of the Catawbas”; Fur, “‘Some Women Are Wiser’”; Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War”; Lévi-Strauss, Elementary Structures of Kinship; Donna J. Haraway, “‘Gender’ for a Marxist Dictionary,” in Simians, Cyborgs, and Women, 143; De Lauretis, “The Technology of Gender,” in Technologies of Gender, 2–3; Scott, “Gender: A Useful Category of Historical Analysis”; Claassen and Joyce, Women in Prehistory; K. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches, 4.
16. Brooks, Captives and Cousins; Gutiérrez, “Honor Ideology,” and When Jesus Came. Of significance most recently has been the recognition that no single honor code governed the values and relations of those societies, but rather there were (in the words of Steve Stern) “several overlapping yet distinct honor/shame codes in play at various levels of the color-class hierarchy.” S. Stern, Secret History of Gender, 302. See also Johnson and Lipsett-Rivera, Faces of Honor; and Twinam, Public Lives, Private Secrets.
17. This diversity originated in a variety of linguistic stocks including Tunican, Caddoan, Uto-Aztekan, Atakapan, and Athapaskan, while over six hundred named Indian groups appear in the documentary records of eighteenth-century Texas. Lipan Apache oral traditions record that they still communicated with Comanches through signs in the nineteenth century, after more than one hundred years of contact. Collins, “Named Indian Groups in Texas”; Opler, Myths and Legends, 237–38, 252–53. Similarly, George Kendall recorded that, upon encountering Wichitas in 1840, only two or three “had picked up a smattering of Spanish” and relied on signs and gestures to communicate with the Anglo-Americans of Kendall’s expedition. Kendall, Narrative of the Texan Santa Fé Expedition, 170–71. Damián Massanet [Mazanet] to Carlos de Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 374; Solís, “Solís Diary of 1767,” 26; strength report and record of daily occur-rences of the cavalry company of the royal presidio of San Antonio de Béxar for Jan. 1781, BA.
18. Governor of Louisiana, Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga, to Athanase de Mézières, Nov. 29, 1770, and report by De Mézières of the expedition to Cadodachos, Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:232, 210; Opler, Myths and Legends, 7. Many Indian groups in Texas maintained rules similar to that which Gordon Sayre termed “transparent signification,” in which words had to be supported by actions for Europeans to gain native acceptance and trust. In a similar vein, Sayre argues that in much European writing can be found an assumption that human nature is the same for the French and the Indians—for example, beliefs that everyone is a bit vain, or desires status and respect, and that differences only appear in how societies express or structure that vanity, status, or respect. Sayre, Les Sauvages Américains, 177, 194, 267. For discussion of cross-cultural communication and interaction in forms other than language, see Dening, Performances; Todorov, Conquest of America; Lockhart, “Sightings”; MacGaffey, “Dialogues of the Deaf”; and Greenblatt, New World Encounters. See also Kertner, Ritual, Politics, and Power, 30.
19. Burkholder, “Honor and Honors in Colonial Spanish America”; Lourie, “Society Organized for War”; McAlister, “Social Structure and Social Change”; Alonso, Thread of Blood; S. Stern, Secret History of Gender, 151–64; Secoy, Changing Military Patterns; New-comb, “Re-examination of the Causes”; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms; C. Carter, Caddo Indians; G. Anderson, Indian Southwest.
1. The following reconstruction and those that will introduce Parts II and III are written in the spirit of Daniel Richter’s call for historians to shift their perspectives in analyzing contacts and interactions between Indians and Europeans in early North America so that they, the historians, stand metaphorically in Indian country, looking over the shoulders of Indians at unfurling events to visualize those events as they might have appeared before Indian eyes and to understand how those eyes made sense of what they were seeing. Richter, Facing East from Indian Country, 11–12, 19–32, 36–39. As Richter points out, however, our ability to imagine this Indian perspective is limited by barriers of time and culture as well as the dearth of records left by Indians themselves. My reconstruction of events in 1686 relies primarily upon the accounts written by three members of Sieur de la Salle’s expedition, Recollect priest Father Anastase Douay, La Salle’s older brother abbé Jean Cavelier, and Henri Joutel, who served as La Salle’s post commander at Fort Saint Louis on the Texas coast. See Douay, “Narrative”; Cavelier, Journal of Jean Cavelier; and Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas. The reconstruction of the ways in which Caddos might have viewed and interpreted those events relies upon the works of a variety of historians, anthropologists, and archaeologists. See Swanton, Source Material; Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites”; Magnaghi, “Changing Material Culture”; Sabo, “Reordering Their World,” “Encounters and Images,” and “Rituals of Encounter”; C. Carter, Caddo Indians; and La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms.
2. Baugh, “Regional Polities and Socioeconomic Exchange”; Krieger, Culture Complexes and Chronology. When the remnants of the Hernando de Soto expedition, under the command of Luis de Moscoso after Soto’s death, reached the lands of the Caddo, they found “some turquoises and cotton blankets which the Indians gave them to understand by signs were brought from the west.” Clayton, Knight, and Moore, De Soto Chronicles, 1:148.
3. “Canneci” was the Caddoan name for Apaches, who were held as enemies by Jumanos and Caddos alike.
4. For one survivor’s critique of La Salle’s leadership, see translations of the records of Jean L’Archevêque’s interrogations by Spanish officials in 1688, in O’Donnell, “La Salle’s Occupation of Texas,” 17. Another French survivor who lived among the Hasinais for three years, Pierre Talon, made implicit commentary on La Salle’s failures as a leader, and he may have shared this vision with his adopted Indian kin. See Pierre Talon, “Voyage to the Mississippi through the Gulf of Mexico,” in Weddle, Morkovsky, and Galloway, La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf, 234.
5. The eleven communities making up the Hasinai confederacy were the Nacao, Nacachau, Nacono, Nechaui, Hainai, Neche, Nadaco (or Anadarko), Nabedache, Nabiti (or Namidish, or Nawidish), Nacogdoche, and the lower Nasoni. The Kadohadacho confederacy included two Kadohadacho communities, as well as those of the Nanatsoho, the upper Nasoni, and the upper Natchitoches. Lower Natchitoches, Ouachita, Yatasi, and Doustioni bands seem to have coalesced into the Natchitoches confederacy after 1700. Perttula, “Caddo Nation,” 217–20; Swanton, Source Material, 7–14; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 34–35.
6. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 689.
7. Perttula, “Caddo Nation,” 84–89; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership”; Swanton, Source Material, 16–25; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 1–14, 33–34.
8. Spaniards made various entradas into the region, beginning with that of Cabeza de Vaca and Estevanico, survivors of the sixteenth-century Narváez expedition, but only the remnants of the Soto expedition led by Moscoso in 1542 had met the Caddos previously. For sources and discussions of the Soto expedition, see Clayton, Knight, and Moore, De Soto Chronicles; Young and Hoffman, Expedition of Hernando de Soto; Milanich, Hernando de Soto Expedition; Strickland, “Moscoso’s Journey through Texas”; and Woldert, “Expedition of Luis de Moscoso.”
9. Douay, “Narrative,” 232, 231.
10. Perttula, “Long-Term Effects,” “Caddo Nation,” and “European Contact and Its Effects.”
11. Weddle, Wilderness Manhunt, 5–14.
12. See Weddle, Wilderness Manhunt, for the story in detail.
13. N. Hickerson, Jumanos.
14. Posada, Alonso de Posada Report; “Itinerary of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, 1684,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 320–43; Hackett, Historical Documents; Douay, “Narrative,” 232–33; Cavelier, Journal of Jean Cavelier, 73; Bolton, “Spanish Occupation of Texas.”
15. N. Hickerson, Jumanos, 120–45.
1. Among the numerous Caddo bands, the Hasinais dominated the ethnographic observations made by the earliest Spanish and French expeditions to the region and, in turn, many current historical and anthropological studies of the Caddoan peoples. I will use “Caddo” when referring to the cultural group in general and will use “Hasinai” or other band affiliation when historical specificity requires it.
2. Descriptions of diplomatic visits by neighboring Indian peoples to Caddo villages—recorded by Spanish Franciscans living among the Caddos in the 1690s through 1720s—make clear that the ritual behaviors used by Caddos to greet and welcome European visitors were the same as those offered native visitors. See Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 685, 714–16; and fray Francisco Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 301.
3. Sabo, “Reordering Their World,” 26.
4. Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 166.
5. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 695–96. For interpretation of the oral tradition, see Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 162–63.
6. Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership”; Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites”; Rogers, “Dispersed Communities and Integrated Households.”
7. Sabo, “Encounters and Images,” 221.
8. In order to provide a picture of the ways in which face-to-face interactions served as exercises in communication beyond spoken language, this composite sketch of contact rituals is drawn from the following expedition records. I use descriptions from expedition journals dating from 1686 through 1722 for general details about ceremonies, but this chapter focuses primarily on the 1680s and 1690s. Where necessary for accuracy, I note when rituals, gifts, or actions changed in form or function over time. The sources for these early encounters are solely from European expedition journals, diaries, and records. Listed in chronological order of their arrival in Caddo lands, Spanish expedition sources include Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico; accounts of Alonso de León, fray Damián Mazanet, fray Isidro de Espinosa, and Juan Antonio de la Peña, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia; expedition records of Alonso de León and fray Damián Mazanet (cited as “Massanet”), in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest; Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán”; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary”; Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, and fray Francisco Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas”; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 671–754; and Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition. French descriptions of first contact ceremonies in Texas come from Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas; accounts of Anastase Douay and Henri de Tonti, in Cox, Journeys of Rene Robert Cavelier; Cavelier, Journal of Jean Cavelier; “Talon Interrogations”; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” and Historical Journal of the Establishment.
9. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 715.
10. Douay, “Narrative,” 228; Espinosa, “Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition,” 9; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition; and Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada.” Unfortunately, we do not know what roles the women of visiting parties played in diplomatic rituals in answer to their Caddo hostesses due to the failure of European observers like Espinosa to describe them—perhaps because the women’s actions took place away from male view or because European bias led Spaniards and Frenchmen to deem the women’s actions not significant enough to record.
11. Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 8–10; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 88, 90, 157, 162, 206.
12. Douay, “Narrative,” 225, 228; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 18, 20; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 8–10.
13. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 66; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 378, 380; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 92–93. Nor were Europeans above interpreting gestures to their own ends, investing ceremonies with meanings that better served their own purposes. In a moment of wishful thinking in 1721, for instance, the marqués de Aguayo “placed his hands over the heads of [Caddo] men, women and children which [he presumed] is the Indians’ sign of pledging obedience.” Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 413. See also Autos of Alonso de León, May 18, 1688, in O’Donnell, “La Salle’s Occupation of Texas,” 7; Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 117, 149; and fray Damián Massanet to don Carlos de Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 359.
14. La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 526; Viceroy marqués de Valero to don Martín de Alarcón, Mar. 11, 1718, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 3:264; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 162; Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 18; Foster and Jackson, “1693 Expedition of Gregorio de Salinas Varona,” 305.
15. Benavides, Benavides’ Memorial of 1630, Memorial of Fray Alonso de Benavides, and Fray Alonso de Benavides’ Revised Memorial; Colahan, Visions of Sor María de Agreda.
16. Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 354, 387; fray Damián Mazanet to Viceroy conde de Galve, Sept. 1690, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 332. Alonso de León and one of his officers, Juan Bautista Chapa, also separately recorded that the caddís had told them of long-ago visits of a woman who appeared to the Caddos and gave them religious instruction, a story that De León and Chapa both interpreted as evidence of Agreda’s visits. Alonso de León, “Testimonio de autos de las diligencias para la segunda entrada que se ha de ejecutar a la provincia de los Tejas y recorrer los parajes inmediatos a la bahía del Espíritu Santo,” as cited in Seco Serrano, Cartas de Sor María de Jesús, xxxix n. 77. See also Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 138. María de Jesús de Agreda’s importance to the establishment of a Spanish missionary presence in Texas is further indicated by the 1718 naming of one of the east Texas missions, Nuestra Señora de la Purísima Concepción de Agreda, in her honor by the Spanish governor of Texas, Martín de Alarcón. Her significance to the history of missionary Texas was emphasized by Spanish historians writing in the eighteenth century. Two of the most prominent historians of the period who wrote in the 1770s and the 1780s, Antonio Bonilla and Juan Agustín Morfi, both credited Agreda as the figure most responsible for bringing missionaries to Texas by the end of the seventeenth century. Bonilla, “Bonilla’s Brief Compendium,” 17–18; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, xi. See also Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle 1:171, 353, 362, 364, 381–83. An eighteenth-century apocryphal story also asserted that the marqués de Valero, who as viceroy ordered the settlement of Texas in 1718, was inspired to do so by having read as a child Agreda’s writings on her trips to the New World to catechize Indians there. Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 2:520–21. The influence of Agreda did not end with Spanish entry into Texas but continued to shape Spanish missionary work among Indians across the northern provinces of New Spain. Her biography of the Virgin Mary, titled Mystical City of God, appeared regularly in inventories of Texas missions—presumably a work widely consulted by missionaries for teachings and devotions about the Virgin. Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana, a Texas missionary, asserted that the Franciscans working in the missionary fields of New Spain’s northern frontiers decided upon their method “in the enlightened and exalted spirit of Venerable María de Jesús de Agreda.” Fernández de Santa Ana, “Memorial of Father Benito Fernández,” 295. For sample inventories, see Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers.
17. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 296–97; Cavallero Macarti to Governor Angel de Martos y Navarrete, Nov. 17, 1763, Archivo San Francisco el Grande, vol. 27, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:88, and Excerpts from the Memorias, 6; G. Dorsey, Traditions of the Caddo; Newkumet and Meredith, Hasinai.
18. Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 12; Peña, Aguayo Expedition into Texas, 81. According to tradition, the Virgin Mary appeared to St. James the Apostle when he traveled from Palestine to the city of Zaragoza (Spain) to establish a church and appoint bishops there. In a vision, Mary told James, “‘I, son Diego, am your protector. . . . build me a church in my name . . . I shall work wonderful signs, especially to help those who in their necessity come to this place.’” She then left behind a carved wooden image of herself holding the baby Jesus and standing on a column. The cult of Our Lady of Pilar (the Pillar) arose around veneration of this image at Zaragoza. She was named patron saint of the city in 1641 and patron saint of the kingdom of Aragon in 1678, and over the next century, a cathedral was built to house and venerate the image. María de Jesús de Agreda elaborated on the tradition even further in her life of the Virgin Mary, Mystical City of God (1680). Brading, Mexican Phoenix, 3, 38–40, 39 (for quote). The edition of the Peña diary cited here includes the final salutations and summary of accomplishments by the expedition that were omitted from the Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller edition. The form and meaning of iconography surrounding the Virgin Mary in Spain, New Spain, and Latin America has undergone many transformations between the sixteenth and twenty-first centuries. For the history of this religious and cultural symbolism, see Poole, Our Lady of Guadalupe; Phelan, Millennial Kingdom of the Franciscans; and Warner, Alone of All Her Sex.
19. Remensnyder, “Virgin Mary and the Conversion”; Peña, Aguayo Expedition into Texas, 81; fray Miguel Santa Maria y Silva to Viceroy Antonio Bucareli y Ursúa, July 21, 1774, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:77–78.
20. Espinosa, “Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition,” 10; Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 380; Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán.” As historian Mary Elizabeth Perry explains, for early modern Spanish society, “religious symbols functioned as a common language recognized by most people as representing widely held beliefs and attitudes.” Perry, Gender and Disorder, 41. For further perspectives on the importance held by the royal standard among the Spanish, see Martin and Brewster, Expedition into Texas of Fernando del Bosque; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1689,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada”; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary”; and Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios.
21. Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 379.
22. Because Louisiana and Texas never developed into a French missionary field, Indians of this region associated the imagery of the Virgin only with the Spanish. Douay, “Narrative,” 234; Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:237; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 67. Fray Juan Agustín Morfi found the exchange significant enough to repeat in his history of the province, recording that “one neophyte of this [Ais] nation, after being well instructed in the catechism, had had explained to him the perfection of the Queen of Angels, and when the missionary hoped, as a result of the attention with which he had listened, to receive some expression of devotion, was surprised to see him coldly say, ‘Well, I prefer Misura (meaning the Devil) to that woman which you praise.’” Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 4.
23. “Talon Interrogations,” 257; Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 5, 19 (for quote), 63. In 1690, a Hasinai caddí had sent a delegation made up of his brother, a nephew, and two other relatives to Mexico City in the company of the León expedition so that the four men might meet with the viceroy. Two turned back along the way due to illness, and one was killed “accidentally” in the town of Querétaro, so that only the caddí’s nephew (who would later be known as Bernardino and would become a caddí himself in the 1710s) met with the viceroy. Bernardino then returned to Caddo lands in 1691 with the Terán de los Rios expedition and became one of the most vociferous supporters of the Spaniards’ expulsion from Texas in 1693. It was the death in Querétaro that Terán was attempting to explain in this passage—the official instructions he had received from the viceroy included the directive that he assure Hasinai leaders that every effort had been made to bring the murderers to justice. Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 382; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1690,” in ibid., 418; Alonso de León to Viceroy conde de Galve, July 12, 1690, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 323.
24. Espinosa, “Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition,” 8; fray Damián Mazanet, “Diary Kept by the Missionaries,” in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 57–58; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 685; Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 364, 380.
25. Sabo, “Rituals of Encounter,” 83–85.
26. Sabo, “Reordering Their World”; G. Dorsey, Traditions of the Caddo; Newkumet and Meredith, Hasinai; C. Carter, Caddo Indians, 162–63; Griffith, Hasinai Indians of East Texas, 97–98; Swanton, Source Material; Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites.” Europeans in the British and French regions of colonial America also used dress, body decoration, and objects of ritual exchange as markers of Indian identity. See Sayre, Les Sauvages Américains.
27. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 218; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 715; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 380; Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 153. French diplomat Luis Juchereau de St. Denis reportedly asserted that “to get along well with Spaniards, one had to heap honors upon them and show them much deference.” Quoted in Pénicaut, Fleur de Lys and Calumet, 185. For European ritual and ceremony, see Muir, Ritual in Early Modern Europe; Wisch and Munshower, Triumphal Celebrations and the Rituals of Statecraft; Wilentz, Rites of Power; and Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France, 85–99, 161.
28. Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites,” 234–41; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” and “Reordering Their World,” 38–39; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 14–22. For theory and history regarding the relationship of male honor with battlefield accomplishments, military display, and public recognition in early modern Europe and New Spain, see Roper, Oedipus and the Devil, 107–24; Miller, Humiliation and Other Essays; Brandes, Metaphors of Masculinity; Bennassar, Spanish Character; and Lourie, “Society Organized for War.” For studies of honor in colonial Latin America, see Burkholder, “Honor and Honors in Colonial Spanish America”; S. Stern, Secret History of Gender; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; and Brooks, Captives and Cousins.
29. Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 368, 370, 376, 378, 381; Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 10–11, 18–19; Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 150; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 206; Douay, “Narrative,” 231; Griffith, Hasinai Indians of East Texas, 81–84; Swanton, Source Material, 140–48. The Ramón expedition, for instance, marked its departures and returns from presidios in northern Mexico with elaborate fanfare, greeted by resident officials who “came out to receive us in two lines, and we returned the courtesy by saluting with our bows and arrows.” Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 7, 10.
30. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 206; Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 380; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 77; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 420–21.
31. Douay, “Narrative,” 232; itinerary of Juan Dominguez de Mendoza, 1684, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 331; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 715; Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology,” 280; Magnaghi, “Changing Material Culture”; Pagès, Travels Round the World, 74–75.
32. Interestingly, the riding contests had been primarily between the Spaniards and three Frenchmen who traveled with them—making political competitions personal ones as well. Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 10; W. Foster, Spanish Expeditions into Texas, 115. See also Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 413–14, 420–29, 447; and Morfi, History of Texas, 1:203.
33. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 204–5.
34. Bolton, Hasinais, 131; Espinosa, “Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition,” 8; Cavelier, Journal of Jean Cavelier, 91, 103; Aguayo to Casafuerte, n.d., in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:247.
35. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 213; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 32, 46; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 708; Douay, “Narrative,” 231; C. Carter, Caddo Indians, 162–63; Griffith, Hasinai Indians of East Texas, 97–98; Swanton, Source Material, 140–48; Magnaghi, “Changing Material Culture.”
36. Bolton, Hasinais, 123–24; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1689,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 403; Cavelier, Journal of Jean Cavelier, 73.
37. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 213; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 206; Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 137; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 697, 701–2, 714; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 46.
38. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 713; Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 14, 15; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 210; Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, and Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 57, 213–14, 217, 285. In contrast to native women’s body decoration, men’s tattoos did not appear to inspire revulsion or denigration in European observers but simply their recognition as status markers.
39. Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 403.
40. Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites,” 234–37; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 169; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 14–18; Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 215–18.
41. Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, and “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1690,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 377, 378, 379, 381, 415, 416; Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 217; Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 33, 34–35; Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 149, 150; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 381; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary”; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 685, 716; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 74, 75.
42. Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites,” 246–48; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 169; Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 377–79.
43. Wyckoff and Baugh, “Early Historic Hasinai Elites,” 243; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 169–71; Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 19, 33–34.
44. Swanton, Source Material, 158; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 381, 382; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 415–16; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 20; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 685; Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 212; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 255–56, 372–74, 377, 383, 385, 528–29; Pénicaut, Fleur de Lys and Calumet, 150.
45. Jean Cavelier was La Salle’s brother and one of those survivors who finally made it to Illinois posts in 1687. Henri de Tonti, “Memoir Sent in 1693,” in Cox, Journeys of Rene Robert Cavelier, 1:46; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 92–93, 243–44, 254–55.
46. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 74.
47. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 716; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 76, 78; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 258–59, 384.
48. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 154–55; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 75; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 528–29.
49. Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 415, 421; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 714; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 78; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1690,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 415; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 18, 20–21; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas; Sabo, “Reordering Their World,” 29–32, and “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 169. The French trader Jean-Baptiste Bénard de la Harpe concluded much the same about the Wichitas, the other major horticultural Indian bands in Texas. Wichita women, he wrote, “carry gallantry still further than the men.” “During our sojourn at their villages,” he explained, “they [the women] did not cease to bring us dishes of beans and corn, prepared with the marrow of buffalo and some smoked meat; they strived even to surpass one another at bringing better foods.” La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 532–33. Europeans who later took up residence among Caddos found the mark of a woman’s honor within the ranks of matrilineal clans was the hospitality offered by her household. Fray Isidro de Espinosa asserted that Hasinai women “are so provident that as soon as a guest arrives at their home, no matter what the time of day, they put a large bowl of food (which was prepared in abundance that morning) into his hands.” Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 381.
50. La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 255, 256, 385; “Instructions Given by the Superior Government to Be Observed in the Expedition to the Province of Texas,” Jan. 23, 1691, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 5.
51. La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 532, 255; Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 57; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 21. Studies of the meanings of gift exchange in non-Western cultures include Mauss, Gift; Sahlins, Stone Age Economics; and Lévi-Strauss, Elementary Structures of Kinship. For the importance of exchange and reciprocity in Caddo societies, see La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms. For Spanish and French societies, see Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; Davis, The Gift in Sixteenth-Century France; S. Stern, Secret History of Gender; and Sayre, Les Sauvages Américains.
52. Alonso de León to Viceroy conde de Galve, July 12, 1690, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 322; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 21; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 413, 414, 415, 417, 419, 422, 423, 427; and Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition. A quexquémil was a triangular garment that hung to the waist and was worn by women of some Indian peoples native to Mexico. With Apaches moving into Texas from the west, Comanches and Wichitas moving from the Northern Plains, and Osage pressures from the east, Caddos faced increasing competition for hunting and trading territories on several fronts in the early eighteenth century. The possession of guns, however, did not mark a shift to warfare, but only an additional weapon for deployment. In 1691, fray Francisco Casañas de Jesús María noted that, at Hasinai feasts honoring their ancestors’ past victories, lower-ranking chiefs or captains honored the grand xinesí by presenting him with bows and arrows as highly valued goods. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 301; Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 376.
53. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 213.
54. Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 415, 417, 419, 422, 423; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1690,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 416; Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 19, 34; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 57–58, 86; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:206.
55. Fray Damián Mazanet to Viceroy conde de Galve, June 14, 1693, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 344.
56. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 292–95, 301; Mazanet to conde de Galve, June 14, 1693, Feb. 17, 1694, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 344, 353.
57. Mazanet to conde de Galve, June 14, 1693, Feb. 17, 1694, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 345, 346–47.
58. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 294–99; Perttula, “Caddo Nation,” 70–89, and “European Contact and Its Effects.” Fray Francisco Hidalgo reported that the belief that baptism might kill them remained strong among the Hasinais in 1716. The spread of European diseases would prove to batter the Caddos throughout the eighteenth century, with an epidemic occurring roughly every sixteen years, reducing their population by 90 percent between 1691 and 1816. Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 56.
59. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 288–89, 299.
60. For discussion of conceptions of female honor in Spain and Spanish America, see Perry, Gender and Disorder; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; Lavrin, Sexuality and Marriage; and Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey. For European readings of Indian gender, see Perdue, “Columbus Meets Pocahontas”; and K. Brown, “Anglo-Algonquian Gender Frontier.”
61. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 691, 707–8. For the fusion of political, social, and religious authority within Caddo society and analysis of this rite in particular, see Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 171.
62. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 291. For male prestige dependent upon women’s labor in a bride-service system, see Collier, Marriage and Inequality in Classless Societies.
63. Body decoration held greater importance for women than for men in signifying band affiliation, since it served to distinguish them from the female captives whom many groups held. Mardith K. Schuetz suggests that Hasinai body tattoos not only marked tribal identification but also reflected age, sex, and accomplishments. Schuetz, “Commentaries on the Interrogations: Ethnological Data,” in Weddle, Morkovsky, and Galloway, La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf, 259–74.
64. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 285; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 714; Solís, “Solís Diary of 1767,” 13.
65. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 88; Douay, “Narrative,” 225, 228.
66. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 284; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 698, 701. St. Denis’s statement seems to indicate that some Frenchmen recognized Hasinai distinctions between marital unions (which were monogamous and required fidelity) and premarital sexual relations, which were not taboo but acceptable to Hasinais (and, by the by, to most Frenchmen and Spaniards not of an elite class). St. Denis, “St. Denis’s Declaration,” 178–79.
67. Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 382, 385–87.
68. Chapa, Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 152, 151; Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 383; fray Damián Mazanet to the viceroy, Sept. 1690, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 336–37. Alonso de León claimed to have tried to avoid just such violence, writing to the viceroy that he stationed very few soldiers at the mission encampments to protect against Apache raids “because of the harm that they might do as bachelors.” This decision was likely not a voluntary one, as he wrote that it “was in consideration of the Indian governor’s [caddí’s] initial objection to the soldiers . . . because they might molest the women of his settlement.” Alonso de León to Viceroy conde de Galve, July 12, 1690, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 322–23.
69. “Instructions Given by the Superior Government to Be Observed in the Expedition to the Province of Texas,” Jan. 23, 1691, in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 6.
70. Fray Damián Massanet to Viceroy conde de Galve, c. Jan. 1692, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 3:172–76; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 679.
71. Fray Damián Mazanet, comisario de los Tejas, to conde de Galve, viceroy of New Spain, June 14, 1693, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 343, 346, 347. Hasinai men began this campaign, killing horses and cattle, as early as 1691—animals given them by Spanish commanders seeking to support missions they imagined were populated by Hasinai neophytes—as reflected in reports to Spanish officials coming not only from the letters of dismayed missionaries but also from information supplied by Jumano leader Juan Sabeata. Terán de los Rios, itinerary and daily account, and Mazanet, “Diary Kept by the Missionaries,” in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 19, 28, 59.
72. Mazanet to conde de Galve, Feb. 17, 1694, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 352–54.
73. Ibid. Interestingly, as Mazanet’s party fled the region, four soldiers deserted, two of whom he believed to be no loss since they were “irresponsible people who had left the hand of God and given themselves over to vice with the Indian women.” Given his directness in identifying earlier incidents as rape, this reference seems to suggest something less violent, and perhaps even consensual. Because it is unlikely that Mazanet would have allowed any of the soldiers he had accused of rape to remain at the missions (especially since he could have sent them home with either the Terán or Salinas expeditions), it is possible that these deserters may have formed real relationships with Hasinai women—though if so, they were clearly not enough to offset Hasinai leaders’ desires to rid themselves of the Spaniards. Or it may be that, by this point, Mazanet’s disillusionment with Caddo peoples who refused his attempts to teach them Christianity had led him to blame Hasinai women for the rapes, believing their supposed “savage” lasciviousness enticed Spanish men to criminal deeds.
1. Sabo, “Indians and Spaniards in Arkansas,” 197, and “Structure of Caddo Leadership.”
2. “Talon Interrogations”; Sayre, Les Sauvages Américains, 14, 266; Schmitt and Schmitt, Wichita Kinship, 23.
3. Weddle, “La Salle’s Survivors,” 427–29; “Talon Interrogations,” 220–23, 240.
4. “Talon Interrogations,” 229, 240, 257.
5. Ibid., 238, 253, 239.
6. Ibid., 251.
7. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 207. Another Frenchman, Jean Géry, found a home and adoption into male ranks among Indian peoples farther west, only to be discovered and captured at a ranchería twenty leagues north of the Rio Grande by Alonso de León in 1687. For translations of the Spanish depositions regarding the discovery of Géry, see O’Donnell, “La Salle’s Occupation of Texas”; and Weddle, Wilderness Manhunt.
8. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 210–11, 213. For discussion of the meaning of tattoos among the Caddos, see Mardith K. Schuetz, “Commentaries on the Interrogations: Ethno-logical Data,” in Weddle, Morkovsky, and Galloway, La Salle, the Mississippi, and the Gulf, 267–68.
9. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 231, 236, 219–21; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1689,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 402, 403. For translations of the Spanish depositions of Grollet and L’Archevêque, see O’Donnell, “La Salle’s Occupation of Texas,” 25.
10. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 236–37. Matrilocal residence meant that households were organized around extended family related through women, usually including the female head of a clan, her daughters, and the daughters’ husbands and children.
11. Ibid., 210, 222; “Talon Interrogations,” 253.
12. Bossu, Travels in the Interior of North America, 67; Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 212, 214, 227, 235–36. The veracity of Bossu’s account should not be accepted without question, since many believe he never actually traveled in North America and that his writings are fiction cannibalized from others’ accounts; but in that case, it could be the story of someone else who met the son.
13. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 210, 212, 226, 227, 229.
14. Ibid., 214.
15. Ibid., 231, 220; Douay, “Narrative,” 1:232. Abbé Jean Cavelier, the older brother of La Salle, also wrote of having women offered to him, though his account seems highly exaggerated and gives weight to the critiques of Jean Delanglez, the editor and translator of Cavelier’s journal, and other scholars about its accuracy and reliability, given that he wrote many years after the events he described and, purposely or not, bungled chronology to the point that Delanglez suggests that he made up events that could not have occurred. Cavelier claimed that Indian men “led us to a beautiful cabin outside the village, where they brought us some fifty of the most beautiful girls of the village” and that the Frenchmen elicited “horrible cries” from the Indians when they, the Frenchmen, “fled from the persecutions of these prostitutes.” Cavelier, Journal of Jean Cavelier, 91. For Delanglez’s critique, see ibid., 5, 7–8, 25–26.
16. Hackett, Historical Documents, 1:233–89.
17. Jean L’Archevêque was a member of the second party to visit the Caddos in 1687 but chose to remain among the Hasinais when the rest continued on to Canada. For translation of the interrogation of Pierre Meunier in Mexico City, see Appendix A of Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 283–89. For details of the Frenchmen’s discovery and capture by Spaniards, see fray Damián Massanet to don Carlos de Sigüenza, 1690, “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1689,” and “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1690,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest; and Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán.” Spanish authorities apparently feared the men could take back useful information about Spanish territory if they were allowed to return to France, so their final destinations in New Mexico were not necessarily of their own choosing. Weddle, Wilderness Manhunt, 235–37, and “La Salle’s Survivors.”
18. The journal of Bienville’s expedition is included in Le Moyne d’Iberville, Iberville’s Gulf Journals. Wedel, La Harpe’s 1719 Post; Usner, Indians, Settlers, and Slaves; Lauber, Indian Slavery in Colonial Times, 75; “Talon Interrogations,” 256.
19. Charlevoix, History and General Description of New France, 4:32–38; Usner, Indians, Settlers, and Slaves.
20. D. Hickerson, “Historical Processes, Epidemic Disease”; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 253–54; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 2–3, 4–5, 7–9, and History of Texas, 1:79–92.
21. Guillaume Thomas François Raynal, Histoire philosophique et politique, des etablissements et du commerce des Européans dans les deux Indes . . ., 7 vols. (Amsterdam, 1772–74), cited in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:258; Zitomersky, “Form and Function of French–Native American Relations.” This dual French and native settlement pattern differs from that found in French Canada, which Zitomersky characterizes as dual “regions” of settlement in which the French developed concentrated French establishments in one central area while leaving native areas in the continental interior relatively free of French settlement except for limited military forts, trading posts, and mission stations.
22. Fray Francisco Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 283; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 701; Swanton, Source Material; Parsons, Notes on the Caddo; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms.
23. Collier, Marriage and Inequality in Classless Societies, 22, 23.
24. Usner, Indians, Settlers, and Slaves, 255; Athanase de Mézières to Bernard de Gálvez, Sept. 14, 1777, and Mézières to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:146, 176.
25. Bridges and De Ville, “Natchitoches and the Trail”; Mills, Natchitoches, 1729–1803, entries 13, 128, 148, 168, 207, 350 for Derbanne; entries 126, 208, 215, 340, 342, 348, 454, esp. 1000 for Guedon; Nardini, My Historic Natchitoches, 39, 41, 61; General Commissioner Jean Baptiste Duclos to Minister of Marine and Colonies, Jérôme de Pontchartrain, Oct. 12, 1713, in Rowland and Sanders, Mississippi Provincial Archives, 2:144; Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 37–38. Spanish Franciscans established a mission, Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de los Ais, among the Ais in 1716.
26. Mills, Natchitoches, 1729–1803, entries 9, 40, 41, 119, 455, 732, 773 for Brevel; entries 2255, 2641, 2837, 2932, 3096 for Prudhomme and Le Court; De Ville, Marriage Contracts of Natchitoches, entries 45, 54; Mills, Natchitoches, 1800–1826, and Natchitoches Colonials; Maduell, Census Tables for the French Colony; Mills and Mills, Tales of Old Natchitoches, 19–22. The names of other women of different Caddo nations, predominantly the Natchitoches, appear in sacramental records of the baptism of children of unnamed fathers. Mills, Natchitoches, 1729–1803, entries 2826, 2827, 2998, and Natchitoches, 1800–1826, entries 138, 139, 407, 408, 1211, 1237, 1238, 1575; Nardini, My Historic Natchitoches, 108. In a Spanish investigative report concerning the first peace conference with the Wichitas, Alexis Grappe emerged as one of the “Frenchmen who have been established [in the nation of the Kadohadachos] for many years,” who kept Caddos well-supplied with arms and ammunition, and who was, reputedly, “the one who commands them [the Kadohadachos].” “Depositions relative to the Expedition to Cadodachos,” Oct. 30–31, 1770, and fray Miguel Santa Maria y Silva to the viceroy, July 21, 1774, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:222–26 (see also 144, 148, 157, 158), 2:74, 75.
27. Wright, Only Land They Knew; Trudel, L’Esclavage au Canada Français; Usner, “From African Captivity to American Slavery”; McGowan, “Planters without Slaves”; G. Hall, Africans in Colonial Louisiana; Din, Spaniards, Planters, and Slaves, 3–17.
28. Giraud, History of French Louisiana, 2:129; Spear, “Colonial Intimacies”; Brasseaux, “Administration of Slave Regulations,” and “Moral Climate of French Colonial Louisiana”; O’Neill, Church and State in French Colonial Louisiana; Allain, “Manon Lescaut et Ses Consoeurs”; Mills, Natchitoches, 1729–1803; Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:48, 64, 90, 91, 162, 168, 2:76; D. Lee, “Indian Slavery in Lower Louisiana,” 87, 92.
29. Webb and Gregory, Caddo Indians of Louisiana; Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology”; D. Lee, “Indian Slavery in Lower Louisiana”; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms; D. Hickerson, “Trade, Mediation, and Political Status.” For reciprocity and the relationships it reflected or created in premodern societies, see Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War.”
30. Kerlérec, “Projet de paix et d’alliance avec les Cannecis.” Historian James F. Brooks argues that the captivity and later adoption and marriage of captive native women in the New Mexico hinterlands represented a violent extreme of practices of exogamous exchange of women in precapitalist societies by which “mutual obligations of reciprocity are established between kindreds, bands, and societies.” Brooks, “‘This Evil Extends Especially,’” 281. See also Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 177–97.
31. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 208; auditor de guerra, marqués de Altamira, “Informe,” June 20, 1774, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:220; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada”; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary.”
32. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 83; fray Antonio Margil de Jesús to Viceroy marqués de Valero, June 23, 1722, in Margil de Jesús, Nothingness Itself, 283; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 723.
33. Governor Jacinto de Barrios y Jáuregui to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Nov. 8, 1750, Apr. 17, 1753, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:16, 67; Autos of Alonso de León, May 18, 1688, in O’Donnell, “La Salle’s Occupation of Texas,” 6; “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1689,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 390. Spaniards long cited French customs of intermarriage to explain their seeming advantages in colonial competitions with the Spanish. When discussing their problems having to do with the French, Spanish officials in Texas referenced historians of Spanish Florida, such as Andreas González Barcia, who argued that the French in sixteenth-century Florida similarly “had had time to cultivate the friendship of the caciques, by whose daughters and relatives they themselves had children.” Andreas González Barcia, Ensayo Cronológico para la Historia General de la Florida (Madrid, 1723), cited in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:240.
34. Barrios y Jáuregui to Revilla Gigedo, Apr. 17, 1753, and auditor Domingo Valcárcel to Revilla Gigedo, Sept. 25, 1753, in Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:67, 98, 234 (for quote); 1:264. In steadfast defense of the noble savage ideal, one French observer of Louisiana and Texas, Pierre Marie François Pagès, also concluded that Indians learned their depravity from Frenchmen who had “communicated the impurities of their immoral lives to several families among this simple race of men.” Pagès, Travels Round the World, 68–69.
35. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, 284–92; Carrasco, “Indian-Spanish Marriages”; Socolow, Women of Colonial Latin America, 33–39; Powers, “Conquering Discourses of ‘Sexual Conquest,’” 19, and Women in the Crucible of Conquest, 89–92.
36. Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 379–82; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 19–21.
37. Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 405, 413, 416–17, 420; Page du Pratz, History of Louisiana, 150.
38. Judge Advocate General Juan de Oliván Rebolledo to Viceroy marqués de Valero, Dec. 24, 1717, and royal attorney to the viceroy, July 2, 1719, BA; marqués de Valero to Martín de Alarcón, Mar. 11, 1718, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 3:264; royal attorney to the viceroy, July 3, 1719, BA; Juan de Oliván Rebolledo, “Comments on Instructions Given Don Domingo Terán and Suggestions for the Founding of Settlements and Missions at the Spring of San Antonio, the Bay of Espíritu Santo, and among the Asinais and Cadodaches,” c. 1718, BA; marqués de San Miguel de Aguayo to Viceroy marqués de Casafuerte, n.d., in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 2:103.
39. Fray Damián Mazanet to Viceroy conde de Galve, Sept. 1690, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 337.
40. C. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 2:124; Oliván Rebolledo to the viceroy, Dec. 24, 1717, July 2, 1719, BA; Oliván Rebolledo to the viceroy, Dec. 1717, BA.
41. Autos of Alonso de León, May 18, 1688, in O’Donnell, “La Salle’s Occupation of Texas”; fray Damián Massanet to don Carlos de Sigüenza, 1690, and “Itinerary of the De León Expedition of 1689,” in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 355, 366, 390; “Orders of Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo,” Feb. 10, 1751, investigations by governor of Texas, Pedro del Barrio Junco y Espriella, Oct. 1, 1751, Señor Fiscal Andreu to Revilla Gigedo, Mar. 1, 1752, and opinion of marqués de Altamira, Sept. 13, 1752, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:4, 8–10, 23, 30, 35 (see also 321–22); St. Denis, “St. Denis’s Declaration,” 181–82; fray Francisco Hidalgo to Viceroy marqués de Valero, Apr. 18, 1718, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:314–15.
42. Juan de Oliván Rebolledo to the king, Apr. 28, 1718, with accompanying documents, BA; C. Carter, Caddo Indians, 157. Caddos would continue to count upon the presence of wives and families as a guarantee of French trade, in defiance of Spanish opposition as the century wore on. At midcentury, for instance, a Hasinai caddí stressed to Spanish captain Joachín de Orobio y Basterra his pleasure that French traders continued to build homes for their families, because by that act he knew the traders planned to settle permanently in his lands and stay year-round, even through the winters. Investigation of report of French settlements in Texas by Captain Joachín de Orobio y Basterra, Jan. 12, 1746, BA.
43. Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 8–9; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 366; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 415, 430; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 43; Teja, San Antonio de Béxar, 17–18.
44. Fray Francisco Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 55; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 695–97; fray Damián Mazanet to Viceroy conde de Galve, Feb. 17, 1694, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 346.
45. Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 168.
46. Joutel, La Salle Expedition to Texas, 160; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 690; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 168.
47. Massanet to Sigüenza, 1690, in Bolton, Spanish Exploration in the Southwest, 379–80; Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 382–84; Ramón, “Captain Don Domingo Ramón’s Diary,” 22.
48. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 716; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 74–76, 78.
49. Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 418–29.
50. Ibid., 418–29, 419 (for quote).
51. Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 382; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 426; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 73.
52. The “Guatsas” mentioned by Mazanet were perhaps Guapites (or Coapites). Fray Damián Mazanet, comisario de los Tejas, to conde de Galve, viceroy of New Spain, June 14, 1693, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 346; Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 296; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 703.
53. Casañas to the viceroy, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 216; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, 63.
54. Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 56–57, 61; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 691; Habig, Alamo Chain of Missions, 196.
55. Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:261; fray Antonio Margil de Jesús to Viceroy marqués de Valero, June 23, 1722, in Margil de Jesús, Nothingness Itself, 282. The mythology of the Caddos emphasized strict gendered divisions of labor, lines that could not be crossed by men or women without ill effects. G. Dorsey, Traditions of the Caddo.
56. Margil de Jesús to marqués de Valero, Feb. 13, 1718, and July 2, 1719, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:131–36, esp. 135; José González to Governor Manuel de Sandoval, quoted in Carlos de Franquis Benites de Lugo to marqués de Torreblanca, Aug. 26, 1739, BA. A letter from fray Francisco Vallejo, also quoted in the letter, makes the same plea for aid for the soldiers and their families.
57. Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 715; Sabo, “Structure of Caddo Leadership,” 171.
58. Fray Ignacio Antonio Ciprián to fray Juan Antonio Abasolo, Oct. 27, 1749, Archivo San Francisco el Grande, vol. 5, transcripts, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin; Memorial of the College of Zacatecas to King Ferdinand VI, Jan. 15, 1750, in Leutenegger, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 51.
59. Pedro de Rivera, “Diario y Derrotero” [Diary and Itinerary], in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom; Naylor and Polzer, Pedro de Rivera; report by Tomás Felipe Winthuysen, Aug. 19, 1744, and residencia of Prudencio de Orobio y Basterra held by Tomás Felipe Winthuysen, Feb. 1, 1741, BA.
60. Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology,” 15; Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War,” 100–103.
61. Leutenegger, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 27, 49–50; Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology,” 46–69, 147–48; Surrey, Commerce of Louisiana during the French Régime, 412–14.
62. Itinerary of inspection conducted by Pedro de Rivera, 1724–28, in Naylor and Polzer, Pedro de Rivera, 83, 85, 157–58; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 747; Morfi, History of Texas, 2:259.
63. Corbin, “Spanish-Indian Interaction”; Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology,” 235–36; Gregory and McCorkle, Historical and Archaeological Background, 20–35; Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 39–40; Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 173–76.
64. Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 166; Leutenegger, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 24–26, 48, 50–52, 54, 59; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 748. Spanish missionaries regularly appear in the sacramental registers for Natchitoches through midcentury. See Mills, Natchitoches, 1729–1803; D’Antoni, Natchitoches Registers, 11, 17, 43, 47, 50, 52, 59, 60, 64; and Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 65, 66.
65. Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 40; Giraud, History of French Louisiana, 5:384–86, 426–27; Nardini, My Historic Natchitoches, 49; Juan Antonio Bustillo y Ceballos to the viceroy, Nov. 26, 1731, Nacogdoches Archives, Texas State Library and Archives, Austin.
66. Mills, Natchitoches, 1729–1803, entries 13, 168 for Derbanne; entries 16, 332, 406, 464, 485, 490, 671, 731, 860, 1011 for Marie des Neges de St. Denis; marriage petition of Manuel Antonio de Soto Bermúdez and María de Neges de St. Denis, May 20, 1754, BA; fray Francisco Ballejo to Governor Manuel de Sandoval, Aug. 29, 1736, and José González to Sandoval, Aug. 29, 1736, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 3:484–85, 489–90; D’Antoni, Natchitoches Registers; Nardini, My Historic Natchitoches, 59, 61, 68.
1. This reconstruction of events in April of 1709 relies on the account left by fray Isidro de Espinosa of the expedition he, fray Antonio de Olivares, and Captain Pedro de Aguirre pursued with fourteen soldiers from the Mission of San Juan Bautista and the Presidio of Rio Grande del Norte in Coahuila. See Espinosa, “Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition.” William Foster’s Spanish Expeditions into Texas offers valuable analysis of routes, maps, and geography covered by the expedition, and Robert Weddle’s San Juan Bautista covers in minute detail Spanish actions based in northern Coahuila that affected events in Texas. For the native peoples involved in the interactions, I rely primarily upon Newcomb, “Historic Indians of Central Texas”; and Campbell, Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, particularly the essay “Espinosa, Olivares, and the Colorado River Indians, 1709.” For sources on José de Urrutia, see González, “Legend of Joseph de Urrutia”; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 239; and Juan de Oliván Rebolledo to the viceroy, July 18, 1733, BA. Fray Damián Mazanet reported that when the Spaniards were hounded out of Caddo lands in 1693, they found refuge among Cantonas for a brief while, at which point four soldiers—Nicolás Rodelo, Francisco González, Marcos Juan, and José de Urrutia—deserted. All but Urrutia turned up within a couple of months at the Presidio of San Juan Bautista in Coahuila. Fray Damián Mazanet to Viceroy conde de Galve, Feb. 17, 1694, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 354–55.
2. Wade, Native Americans, 22, 152–58.
3. Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to fray Pedro del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger, “Two Franciscan Documents,” 202.
4. Wade, Native Americans; Sheridan, “Social Control and Native Territoriality”; G. Anderson, Indian Southwest, 67–104; Campbell, Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 39–59, 71–77.
5. Wade, Native Americans, 56.
6. Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 49.
7. Espinosa, “Diary of the 1716 Entrada,” 377–78.
8. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 51.
9. La Conquistadora was an image of the Virgin Mary associated with Hernán Cortés’s conquest of Mexico, during which the Virgin was believed to have appeared in battle and to have helped bring about Spanish victory by blowing dust into the eyes of the Indians who opposed Cortés’s forces. This representation was most associated with “Our Lady of Los Remedios,” an image of the Virgin Mary with which Cortés reputedly had replaced Aztec idols on the altar of the great temple at Tenochtitlan. She thus became a “holy conqueror” and “captain of the Christian armies,” earning the popular title La Conquistadora in association with the Spanish conquerors. In similar spirit, Spaniards in New Mexico had an image of the Virgin, Nuestra Señora de la Conquista, also popularly referred to as La Conquistadora, whose wooden statue was preserved during the Pueblo Revolt of 1680 and returned to the province with the Spanish reconquest in 1693. Later, in the Mexican War for Independence, Los Remedios’s image became tied to royalist forces as either La Conquistadora or La Gachupina (one who came with the conquerors from Spain, “Gachupín” being a derogatory term for peninsular Spaniards), while the Virgin of Guadalupe was taken up by rebel forces as La Criolla (a Spaniard native to/born in the Americas). Brading, Mexican Phoenix, 41, 46–47, 50, 71, 76–77; Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 139–40; Poole, Our Lady of Guadalupe, 3, 24–25, 109.
10. Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Cultural Change; Gerhard, North Frontier of New Spain.
11. Gerhard, North Frontier of New Spain, 328, 344–48.
12. Campbell, Payaya Indians of Southern Texas, 5.
13. For the logs of the De León/Mazanet (1690), Salinas Verona (1693), Terán de los Rios/Mazanet (1691), Ramón/Espinosa (1716), Alarcón (1718–19), and Aguayo (1720–22) expeditions, see the sources cited in Chapter 1, note 8. See also Campbell, Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico.
14. Newcomb, “Historic Indians of Central Texas”; Prikryl, “Fiction and Fact about the Titskanwatits.”
15. Hester, “Texas and Northeastern Mexico,” 194. For an introduction to the debates of archaeologists, anthropologists, and historians engaged in disentangling the cultural complexities of native peoples and identities in southern Texas, see ibid.; Hester, “Perspectives on the Material Culture”; Campbell, Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 39–59, 71–77, 79–93; and Wade, Native Americans. For the most current synthesis of historical and archaeological work to date on Coahuilteco speakers, their links to the San Antonio missions, and their present-day descendants’ efforts to receive federal recognition, see Thoms et al., Reassessing Cultural Extinction. For models of merger and cooperation among native peoples, see Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War,” esp. 112–17; and White, Middle Ground.
16. Aten, Indians of the Upper Texas Coast; Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas.
1. Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to fray Pedro del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:53.
2. Hinojosa, “Friars and Indians”; C. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas; fray Mariano de los Dolores y Viana to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Jan. 12, 1752, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 138. See also Dolores y Viana to Governor Barrios of Texas, Colonel Parrilla, and Governor Martos y Navarrete, Feb. 6, 1759, in ibid., 311–12.
3. As Gary Anderson argues, missions became a place for “native ethnogenesis and cultural reinvention.” G. Anderson, Indian Southwest, 67. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 116–231.
4. Fernández de Santa Ana to del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:53.
5. Pedro de Rivera, “Diario y Derrotero” [Diary and Itinerary], in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 29–30, 42; Naylor and Polzer, Pedro de Rivera, 86, 160–61; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 409; Teja, San Antonio de Béxar, 18.
6. The Payayas offer a unique snapshot of native use of mission settlements. Because the missions were established in the midst of traditional Payaya ranges, Payayas quickly became the largest ethnic group within the San Antonio community, numbering an identifiable total of 184 between 1719 and 1789 (though fewer than 50 were present in any given year). Of the five Spanish mission communities eventually established in San Antonio, Payayas clearly considered Valero their home village and entered no others. At the same time, however, comparison of baptism, marriage, and burial records indicates that though many Payayas accepted baptism and agreed to marriage sacraments, they did not choose to be buried in mission cemeteries, suggesting their preference for burial at traditional native sites. Many others continued to live independently in different settlements scattered across Texas and Coahuila, as individuals and families moved back and forth between independent rancherías and mission settlements. Campbell, Payaya Indians of Southern Texas, 11–14.
7. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 86.
8. Fray Antonio Margil de Jesús to marqués de San Miguel de Aguayo, Dec. 26, 1719, in Margil de Jesús, Nothingness Itself, 268; fray Antonio Olivares et al., “Oposición a la fundación de la Mission de San José del río de San Antonio,” Feb. 23, 1720, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:20–26.
9. Report of Captain Juan Valdéz, Mar. 13, 1720, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:27–42.
10. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 86; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 337–41.
11. Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 405–6, 409, 412–14.
12. Ibid, 433–34.
13. Aten, Indians of the Upper Texas Coast, 68; Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 138–40.
14. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 254–67, 277, 294; Governor Jacinto de Barrios y Jáuregui, “Informe del gobernador sobre la misíon de San José,” May 28, 1758, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:131; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 29–30, and Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 31; Decree of Commandant General Pedro de Nava, Apr. 10, 1794, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 2:101.
15. Schuetz, “Professional Artisans in the Hispanic Southwest,” 19–20; Teja, “Forgotten Founders,” 34–35; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 71, 244; T. N. Campbell, “Coahuiltecans and Their Neighbors,” in Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 49, 51; Salinas, Indians of the Rio Grande Delta, 121–22; Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 4; Peña, “Account of the 1720–1722 Entrada,” 432; Teja, San Antonio de Béxar, 44–47.
16. Report of fray Ignacio Antonio Ciprián to fray Juan Antonio Abasolo, Oct. 27, 1749, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:97; J. Clark, Mission San José y San Miguel, 24; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 333; Scurlock and Fox, Archeological Investigation of Mission Concepción, 12; Schuetz, “Historical Outline of Mission,” 8, and “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 71, 245; Ricklis, “Spanish Colonial Missions,” 134; K. Gilmore, Mission Rosario, 2:15, 80.
17. Schuetz, “Professional Artisans in the Hispanic Southwest,” 24, 26–27, 35–36; K. Gilmore, Mission Rosario, 2:24, 82.
18. Salinas, Indians of the Rio Grande Delta, 70; Campbell and Campbell, Indian Groups Associated with Spanish Missions; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 49–50, 58–60, 335, 337–41, 352.
19. Fray Jaudenes to Manuel Muñoz, Oct. 13, 1791, in Nunley, “Translation of Spanish Documents,” 71; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984], 176–77; J. Clark, Mission San José y San Miguel, 27; Campbell and Campbell, Indian Groups Associated with Spanish Missions, 40–41; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 357–58; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:3–5.
20. Fray José Francisco López to fray Rafael José Verger, May 5, 1789, in Dabbs, “Texas Missions in 1785,” 15; summary of military events at the presidios of San Antonio de Béxar and La Bahía during the month of Feb. 1784, BA; Rosalind Z. Rock, “Los Habitantes: A History of Texas’ Mission San Juan de Capistrano and Its People,” unpublished manuscript cited in Thoms et al., Reassessing Cultural Extinction, 34–35, 91; Schuetz, “Historical Outline of Mission,” 4; census report, fray Jesús Garavito to captain of La Bahía presidio, Juan Bautista de Elguezábal, June 30, 1797, and census of Rosario, Oct. 23, 1796, cited in Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 210, 366; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984], 177; fray Vallejo to Antonio Cordero, Dec. 13, 1806, in Nunley, “Translation of Spanish Documents,” 85.
21. Fray Antonio Margil de Jesús and fray Isidro Felix de Espinosa to Reverend Fr. Procurator, fray Mathías Sáenz de San Antonio, July 24, 1724, in Margil de Jesús, Nothingness Itself, 304; fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to fray Miguel Sevillano de Paredes, Aug. 8, 1737, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 27; Fernández de Santa Ana to del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:56; opinion of Pedro de Rivera contained within decree of Viceroy marqués de Casafuerte, July 1, 1730, BA.
22. Fray Miguel Sevillano de Paredes, “Transsumpto de vn Memorial que por parte de este collegio se remitio al Rey en el Consejo Real de Indias estaño de 1729 en 12 de Nobe,” Dunn Transcripts, 1716–1749, Archivo del Colegio de la Santa Cruz de Querétaro, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 29; Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 142–48; Rubí, “Itinerario de Señor Marqués de Rubí,” in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 122, 124, 131, 134.
23. Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 67. Espíritu Santo was moved twice and reestablished for other Indian groups, notably Aranamas and Tamiques. Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 153; Rubí, “Itinerario de Señor Marqués de Rubí,” 141; Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 123–25.
24. Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 162–67, and “Aboriginal Karankawan Adaptation,” 231–35; fray José Francisco Mariano Garza to Manuel Muñoz, July 21, 1793, as translated in Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 85; see also 71, 76, 84, 98, 123, 180, 190, 209–10, 222–26; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984], 164, 183, 187, and “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1989], 239–40; Ricklis, “Spanish Colonial Missions”; DeFrance, “Zoo-archeological Evidence of Colonial Culture Change”; K. Gilmore, Mission Rosario, 2:155–59.
25. Gerhard, North Frontier of New Spain; Reff, Disease, Depopulation, and Culture Change.
26. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 141–50, 161–66. In 1772, the mean age at Capistrano was 25.7, at Espada 26.1, at Concepción 25.4, and at Valero 28.0. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 127–29, 173, 221–23.
27. Fray José Francisco López, “Report and Account That the Father President of the Missions in the Province of Texas or New Philippines Sends to the Most Illustrious Señor Fray Rafael José Verger,” May 5, 1789, in Dabbs, “Texas Missions in 1785,” 6, 7.
28. Juan de Oliván Rebolledo to the viceroy, July 18, 1733, BA.
29. McDonald, Hindes, and Gilmore, “Marqués de Aguayo’s Report,” 62.
30. Barrios y Jáuregui, “Informe del gobernador sobre la misíon de San José,” May 28, 1758, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:131–32; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:93–95, 97; fray José de Solís, report on Mission San José, 1768, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:148.
31. Morfi, History of Texas, 1:93–94; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 33; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 333, 336–40; Habig, Alamo Chain of Missions, 139.
32. Fray Mariano de los Dolores y Viana to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Jan. 12, 1752, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 138. See also Dolores y Viana to Governor Barrios of Texas, Colonel Parrilla, and Governor Martos y Navarrete, Feb. 6, 1759, in ibid., 311–12. Decree of Commandant General Pedro de Nava, Apr. 10, 1794, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 2:95–96.
33. Report of Captain Juan Valdéz, Mar. 13, 1720, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:33; Paredes, “Transsumpto de vn Memorial,” Dunn Transcripts, 1716–1749, University of Texas at Austin.
34. Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 38. For a general summary and description of Spanish mission systems of labor, see Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” chap. 5. For a missionary’s idealized picture of what the San José mission accomplished along lines of appropriate divisions of labor, see Solís, “Solís Diary of 1767,” 21. For gender ideals in Spain and New Spain, see Perry, Gender and Disorder; and Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came.
35. Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 38; Francisco de Tovar to Hugo O’Conór, Aug. 4, 1768, BA.
36. Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:132; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 346; Almaráz, Inventory of the Rio Grande Missions, 33; Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 43; fray Joseph Francisco Mariano Garza, “Memoria de lo que pro ahora se juzga precisamente necesario para la nueva fundacion del Refugio,” Nov. 6, 1794, Dunn Transcripts, 1790–1793, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de Guadalajara, Catholic Archives of Texas, Austin; Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 20–22; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 268.
37. Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 10, 17–39, 41–45; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 327–54; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission; Tomás Felipe Winthuysen to Viceroy conde de Fuenclara, Aug. 19, 1744, BA; Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 154; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:93–95; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 269–80.
38. Petition of Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to Governor Francisco García Larios, Sept. 9, 1748, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 79; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 33; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 242–43; Weddle, San Juan Bautista, 64; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 346. Dolores y Viana also writes of the Indians running away from work to “their old way of living in the wilderness” in his 1739 letter to Viceroy Archbishop Juan Antonio de Vizarrón, in ibid., 29–30. Captain Toribio de Urrutia to the viceroy, Dec. 17, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:83.
39. “Were you lazy?” was also a constant refrain in fray Bartholomé García’s Spanish-Coahuilteco Manual para administrar los santos sacramentos (Manual for the Administration of the Holy Sacraments) in questioning failures to confess, to do penance, or to attend mass. Dolores y Viana to Vizarrón, 1739, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 29; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in ibid., 346; Paredes, “Transsumpto de vn Memorial,” Dunn Transcripts, 1716–1749, University of Texas at Austin; fray Manuel de Silva, “Inventory of the Goods Belonging to This Mission Espiritu Santo,” Nov. 27, 1783, in “Texas Missions of the Coastal Bend: Espiritu Santo, Rosario, Refugio,” trans. William H. Oberste, typescript, 1980, William H. Oberste Papers, Catholic Archives of Texas, Austin.
40. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 241; petition of Fernández de Santa Ana to García Larios, Sept. 9, 1748, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 81.
41. Silva, “Inventory of the Goods,” Oberste Papers, Catholic Archives of Texas; Jennifer L. Logan, “Archaeology,” in Thoms et al., Reassessing Cultural Extinction, 109–11; Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 154; Aten, Indians of the Upper Texas Coast, 69; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 52.
42. Report of fray Ignacio Antonio Ciprián, Oct. 27, 1749, in Leutenegger and Habig, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 22; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 209, 246; T. N. Campbell, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” in Indians of Southern Texas and Northeastern Mexico, 83; J. Clark, Mission San José y San Miguel, 138; Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 49 (for quote); Scurlock and Fox, Archeological Investigation of Mission Concepción, 39–49; Cargill and Hard, “Assessing Native American Mobility.”
43. Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 53–54; J. Clark, Mission San José y San Miguel, 139; Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 124, 182–83, 229–30; fray Antonio Garavito to Juan Elguezábal, interim commander at Presidio La Bahía, Mar. 25, 1798, as translated in Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 161; Ricklis, “Spanish Colonial Missions,” 134–35; Francisco Viana to Governor Antonio Cordero, Nov. 16, 1805, BA.
44. Salinas, Indians of the Rio Grande Delta, 125–26; K. Gilmore, Mission Rosario, 1:67, 2:82, 99–105; Hester et al., From the Gulf to the Rio Grande; Ricklis, “Spanish Colonial Missions,” 133, 157–58, 165; Fox, “Indians at Rancho de las Cabras”; Lohse, “Lithics from the San Antonio de Valero Mission”; Schuetz, History and Archeology of Mission, 2:69–73. In analyzing lithic assemblages among excavation findings at Mission San Antonio de Valero, Jon C. Lohse found a combination of Perdiz arrow points (which are characteristic of native technologies in south Texas) and Guerrero arrow points (which are characteristic of native technologies in northern Mexico) as well as a combination of archaic and historic artifacts, and he argues that it suggests both the northward spread of native technologies from Mexico into Texas as a result of the mixing of native peoples from those regions (pre– and post–Spanish contact) and the continued movement of Indians between native and mission settlements.
45. K. Gilmore, Mission Rosario, 1:67–69, 2:117–120; Ricklis, “Spanish Colonial Missions”; Schuetz, History and Archeology of Mission, 2:44–46, 62–68; Scurlock and Fox, Archeological Investigation of Mission Concepción, 129, 136–37; fray Antonio de Olivares to the viceroy, Oct. 1716, in Leutenegger, “Two Franciscan Documents,” 198; Hester, Digging into South Texas Prehistory, 125–26, and “Perspectives on the Material Culture,” 223–24; LeRoy Johnson, Life and Times of Toyah-Culture Folk; Aten et al., Excavations at the Harris County Boys’ School Cemetery, 104.
46. Moorhead, Presidio; Faulk and Faulk, Defenders of Empire.
47. Aten, Indians of the Upper Texas Coast, 68; Newcomb, “Karankawa”; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984]; Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:267, 332, 2:30, 40, 43, 44, 62, 299; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:97; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 273–74; Solís, “Solís Diary of 1767,” 15, 17, 20, 38, 39; report of fray Juan de Dios María Camberos, 1758, cited in K. Gilmore, Mission Rosario, 2:5.
48. Fray Mariano de los Dolores y Viana to acting mayor of San Fernando, Juan Joseph de Montes de Oca, Oct. 8, 1745, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 47–48; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:35; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 252.
49. Petition de fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana al señor auditor, Feb. 20, 1750, in Porrúa Turanzas, Documentos para la historia, 209; Allen, “Parrilla Expedition to the Red River”; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:12–13, 21; Starnes, San Gabriel Missions, 29–30.
50. Tomás Felipe Winthuysen to Viceroy conde de Fuenclara, Aug. 19, 1744, BA; Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 160. As commandant inspector of the internal presidios, Hugo O’Conor made similar arguments in a report ten years later. See O’Conor, Defenses of Northern New Spain, 57–58. Roque de Medina to Hugo O’Conor, Mar. 8, 1774, Luis Antonio Menchaca to O’Conor, Mar. 9, 1774, O’Conor to Rafael Martínez Pacheco, Apr. 20, 1774, Martínez Pacheco to O’Conor, Apr. 20, 1774, and O’Conor to Viceroy Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursúa, Apr. 20, 1774, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:33, 40, 42, 43–44, 46; Bucareli y Ursúa to Governor Juan María, Barón de Ripperdá, Feb. 21, 1776, BA.
51. Santa María, Relación Histórica de la Colonia, 97; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 70–80; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984], 187; Aten, Indians of the Upper Texas Coast, 69, 81–82.
52. Report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 342; Solís, “Solís Diary of 1767,” 12; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 45. For discussion of early modern Spanish ideas of “barbarism” as they were applied to Indians of the New World and associated with the bestial world, see Pagden, Fall of Natural Man, esp. chap. 2. For comparison with battles over gender and sexuality in Spanish missions in other northern provinces, see Deeds, “Double Jeopardy”; Hurtado, Intimate Frontiers, 1–19; and Hackel, Children of Coyote, 182–227.
53. Perry, Gender and Disorder, 6–8; Lavrin, “Sexuality in Colonial Mexico”; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; Spurling, “Honor, Sexuality, and the Catholic Church”; Perdue, “Columbus Meets Pocahontas,” 7–13; Fur, “‘Some Women Are Wiser,’” 92–95.
54. Perry, Gender and Disorder, 48; Salinas, Indians of the Rio Grande Delta, 123; Gatschet, Karankawa Indians, 60–61; fray José Francisco Mariano Garza to Manuel Muñoz, May 17, 1793, cited in Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 78; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 60–63, 240–41.
55. Espinosa, “Espinosa-Olivares-Aguirre Expedition,” 12; Morfi, History of Texas, 2:174; Olivares to the viceroy, Oct. 1716, in Leutenegger, “Two Franciscan Documents,” 198.
56. Paredes, “Transsumpto de vn Memorial,” Dunn Transcripts, 1716–1749, University of Texas at Austin; Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 24–30; Silva, “Inventory of the Goods,” Oberste Papers, Catholic Archives of Texas; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 29–31; fray Ildefonso Marmolejo, “Inventory of the Mission San José and the Increase Gained during the Year and Ten Months since It Is in My Care,” Oct. 14, 1755, and accounts of supplies for 1792 and 1793 for Mission San José, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:125, 2:12–58; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 240; Olivares to the viceroy, Oct. 1716, in Leutenegger, “Two Franciscan Documents,” 197–98; Barrios y Jáuregui, “Informe del gobernador sobre la misíon de San José,” May 28, 1758, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:131.
57. Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 40–41, 47, 52; Olivares to the viceroy, Oct. 1716, in Leutenegger, “Two Franciscan Documents,” 199; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 95–96; Dolores y Viana to Captain Toribio de Urrutia, Sept. 25, 1749, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 86; Leutenegger, Guidelines for a Texas Mission, 41; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:97.
58. García, Manual para administrar los santos sacramentos.
59. Ibid.; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 235, 282.
60. Rafael Martínez Pacheco to Commandant General Juan de Ugalde, Jan. 6, 1788, BA; Hackel, Children of Coyote, 189–203.
61. Decree of Commandant General Pedro de Nava, Apr. 10, 1794, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 2:96; Dolores y Viana to Vizarrón, 1739, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 22; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in ibid., 347.
62. Fiscal Areche, recommendation to the viceroy, July 13, 1772, BA. For discussions of various aspects of patriarchal ideology in New Spanish societies, see Lavrin, Sexuality and Marriage; Seed, To Love, Honor, and Obey; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; Warner, Alone of All Her Sex, 179–90; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 773; and Juan Cortés, diary of the Bahía presidio for April, Apr. 30, 1797, cited in Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 205.
63. These are just three of six refrains. “As the Father, So the Son,” in Margil de Jesús, Nothingness Itself, 315–16.
64. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 121; Campbell, Payaya Indians of Southern Texas, 13–14; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984], 169; Johnson and Campbell, “Sanan,” 204–6. For comparison with other areas of North America, see Mintz and Wolf, “Analysis of Ritual Co-Parenthood”; and Sleeper-Smith, Indian Women and French Men, 43–44.
65. García, Manual para administrar los santos sacramentos; “Hymn to Our Lady, Assumed into Heaven,” and “The Alabado Hymn of Praise,” in Margil de Jesús, Nothingness Itself, 317–22; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 40; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 25–26; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 331.
66. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 331–32; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 86. The biblical law of levirate was an injunction dictating that if a married man died without children, it was the duty of his brother or other male near relative to marry the widow, and that a son born of that union would assume the dead man’s name and thus perpetuate his lineage, honor, and inheritance. See Deuteronomy 25:5–10, Ruth 2:20, 3:2, 9–13, 4:1–11; Genesis 38; Matthew 22:23–33. Report of fray Ignacio Antonio Ciprián, Oct. 27, 1749, in Leutenegger and Habig, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 21, 23; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 342; residencia of Governor Juan Antonio de Bustillo y Ceballos conducted by Governor Manuel de Sandoval, July 8, 1733, BA; Fernández de Santa Ana to del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:57.
67. Burial numbers also lagged behind those of baptisms (about two-fifths to three-fourths as many), suggesting that a number of people chose not to spend their lives at the missions. Report of fray Ignacio Antonio Ciprián, Oct. 27, 1749, in Leutenegger and Habig, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 25; Aten, Indians of the Upper Texas Coast, 69; Newcomb, “Karankawa,” 365; fray Francisco Xavier Ortiz, “Razón de la Visita de los Misiones de San Xavier y de las de San Antonio de Valero en la Prov. y Governación de Texas, Masio de 1756,” cited in Habig, Alamo Chain of Missions, 55, 133, 168, 212; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 330, 334–35, 336, 338; Barrios y Jáuregui, “Informe del gobernador sobre la misíon de San José,” May 28, 1758, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:130–31; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 47, 53; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission; 1772 inventario for Concepción, cited in Scurlock and Fox, Archeological Investigation of Mission Concepción, 8; 1772 inventario for Capistrano, cited in Schuetz, “Historical Outline of Mission,” 5; baptismal, marriage, and burial records for Missions San Francisco Solano, San Antonio de Valero, and Nuestra Señora de la Purísima Concepción de Acuña, photostat copies, n.d., Catholic Archives of Texas, Austin. For similar comparative analysis of marriage and baptism records, see Cline, “Spiritual Conquest Reexamined”; and Nutini, “Polygyny in a Tlaxcalan Community.”
68. Captain Manuel Espadas to Governor Rafael Martínez Pacheco, Apr. 9, 1790, in Oberste, History of Refugio Mission, 108; K. Gilmore, “Indians of Mission Rosario” [1984], 178; residencia of Governor Bustillo conducted by Governor Sandoval, July 8, 1733, BA.
69. Ricklis, Karankawa Indians of Texas, 23, 141–42; Salinas, Indians of the Rio Grande Delta; Campbell and Campbell, Indian Groups Associated with Spanish Missions.
70. Fray José Francisco López to fray Rafael José Verger, May 5, 1789, in Dabbs, “Texas Missions in 1785,” 18; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 352–54.
71. Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 21, 25–26; Fernández de Santa Ana to del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:59; Jennifer L. Logan, “Linguistics,” in Thoms et al., Reassessing Cultural Extinction, 95–100; López to Verger, May 5, 1789, in Dabbs, “Texas Missions in 1785,” 16. The eighteen groups were: Alazapas, Borrados, Chayopins, Manos de Perro, Mescales, Orejónes, Pacaos, Pacoas, Pacuaches, Pajalats, Pamaques, Pampopas, Pausanes, Piguiques, Sanipaos, Tacames, Tilijaes, and Venados. García, Manual para administrar los santos sacramentos. In 1732, Gabriel Vergera also compiled a dictionary for the Coahuilteco language spoken by Pajalats living along the Rio Grande and at Mission Concepción, and a second manual for the catechism written at San Bernardo mission on the Rio Grande in the Pacuache (Paguache) dialect has been lost. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 43–44.
72. Petition of Fernández de Santa Ana to García Larios, Sept. 9, 1748, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 93; baptismal record, vol. 2, 1807–28, at Mission of Our Lady of Refuge (de la Bahía), Oberste Papers, Catholic Archives of Texas.
73. Campbell, Payaya Indians of Southern Texas, 13–14; Campbell and Campbell, Indian Groups Associated with Spanish Missions, 68; Johnson and Campbell, “Sanan,” 204–6.
74. Rosalind Z. Rock, “Los Habitantes: A History of Texas’ Mission San Juan de Capistrano and Its People,” unpublished manuscript cited in Thoms, Reassessing Cultural Extinction, 33, 79; Dabbs, “Texas Missions in 1785,” 6; Elguezábal, “Description of Texas in 1803,” 514; Tjarks, “Comparative Demographic Analysis of Texas,” 317; conde de la Sierra Gorda to the viceroy, Sept. 27, 1792, Saltillo Archives, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin; López, “Report on the San Antonio Missions,” 490; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 25–26; inventory of the material possessions of Mission San José, 1794, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 2:92–140; “Register of Persons in This Pueblo of San Antonio Valero,” Dec. 31, 1804, BA; censuses of Mission San José and Mission of La Purísima Concep[ció]n de Acuña, Jan. 1805, BA; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 182–205.
75. Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:144; Solís, “Solís Diary of 1767,” 11.
76. Memorial from the government of the villa of San Fernando and the Royal Presidio of San Antonio de Béxar to Governor Martínez Pacheco, regarding the people’s right to the mesteña horses and cattle of Texas, San Fernando de Béxar, 1787, BA.
1. Rubí, “Itinerario de Señor Marqués de Rubí,” in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 106–11, 181; Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 146–48.
2. Fray Damián Mazanet, “Diary Kept by the Missionaries,” in Foik, “Expedition of Don Domingo Terán,” 58; Juan de Oliván Rebolledo to the viceroy, 1719, and commission issued by Viceroy marqués de Valero to Juan de Oliván Rebolledo, June 3, 1719, BA.
3. Opler, “Kinship Systems,” Myths and Legends, and Lipan and Mescalero Apache; Schilz, Lipan Apaches in Texas; Sjoberg, “Lipan Apache Culture in Historical Perspective”; Griffen, Culture Change and Shifting Populations; Gunnerson, “Plains Apache Archaeology,” and “Introduction to Plains Apache Archeology.” For raiding economies, see Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War,” 108–10, 122–26; Merrill, “Cultural Creativity and Raiding Bands,” 145; and K. Jones, “Comparative Raiding Economies,” 100.
4. Opler, “Lipan Apache,” “Kinship Systems,” and Myths and Legends.
5. Minutes and resolutions of the third junta de guerra, held in Chihuahua, June 9–15, 1778, BA.
6. Opler, “Kinship Systems,” and Myths and Legends, 13–37.
7. Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas”; Wade, Native Americans, 161; Bernardo de Gálvez, “Notes and Reflections on the War with the Apache Indians,” in John, “Cautionary Exercise in Apache Historiography,” 304. John identifies the author as Gálvez in a later article, “Bernardo de Gálvez on the Apache Frontier.”
8. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 160; fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to Viceroy Archbishop Juan Antonio de Vizarrón, June 30, 1737, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 26–27; report of fray Ignacio Antonio Ciprián, Oct. 27, 1749, in Leutenegger and Habig, Texas Missions of the College of Zacatecas, 21–22; B. Gálvez, “Notes and Reflections,” 304. For a later period that indicates the same predominance of men among those killed in raids on San Antonio, see list of the men and women killed by Indians, from 1813 to 1820, San Fernando church listings, Béxar County Archives, microfilm roll 63, #821, transcription in Adolph Casias Herrera Papers, Daughters of the Republic of Texas Library at the Alamo, San Antonio.
9. Poole, “‘War by Fire and Blood,’” 119–20, 122, 126; Cuello, “Persistence of Indian Slavery,” 687. For thoroughgoing analysis of how such rhetoric and policy played out in another northern province, Chihuahua, see Alonso, Thread of Blood.
10. The history of Spain, like that of the rest of western Europe, has involved warfare characterized by long-term sieges of settlements and raids aimed at capturing booty, livestock, and enemy prisoners of both sexes. Intermittent wars, coastal raiders, and pirates in the western Mediterranean made captivity a constant in the region’s societies from antiquity into the nineteenth century. In the expansion and colonial settlement of Reconquest Spain, the participation of women in establishing permanent settlements was vital to the stabilization of the conquest but came at a high cost, since life in war-torn territories held particular hazards for women and demanded special precautions on the part of Spanish towns for women’s defense. That hazard was captivity, and Spanish society viewed as abhorrent the potential risk of sex, whether coercive or not, between Muslim men and Christian women. See Brodman, Ransoming Captives in Crusader Spain; Dillard, Daughters of the Reconquest; Rodriguez, “Financing a Captive’s Ransom”; Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 19–26; Alonso, Thread of Blood, 37; and Opler, Myths and Legends, 222–29.
11. Letter of marqués de Aguayo, Feb. 1725, cited in Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 206.
12. Fray Francisco Hidalgo to Fr. Guardian Isidro de Espinosa, Nov. 3, 1723, in R. Carter, Tarnished Halo, 153; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 207, 208.
13. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:27; see also 1:292; Hidalgo to Espinosa, Nov. 3, 1723, in R. Carter, Tarnished Halo, 154–55.
14. Hidalgo to Espinosa, Nov. 3, 1723, in R. Carter, Tarnished Halo, 155; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:28; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 210.
15. Hidalgo to Espinosa, Nov. 3, 1723, in R. Carter, Tarnished Halo, 157; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:27–28; Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 1:247, 2:463, 3:411; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 212 n. 1.
16. Testimonies of Mateo Perez, Vicente Alvarez Travieso, and José de Urrutia in proceedings concerning the infidelity of the Apaches, June 28, 1738, BA; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 246.
17. Order of Governor Prudencio de Orobio y Basterra, Feb. 16, 1739, proceedings concerning the infidelity of the Apaches, June 28, 1738, and proceedings for the residencia of Prudencio de Orobio y Basterra, Feb. 1–Aug. 21, 1741, BA; Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to Viceroy Archbishop Juan Antonio de Vizarrón, Nov. 24, 1739, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 32.
18. Moorhead, “Spanish Deportation of Hostile Apaches,” 210–11, 215, 217, 219.
19. Memorial from the government of the villa of San Fernando and the Royal Presidio of San Antonio de Béxar to Governor Martínez Pacheco, regarding the people’s right to the mesteña horses and cattle of Texas, San Fernando de Béxar, 1787, BA.
20. Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to fray Pedro del Barco, Feb. 20, 1740, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:64; baptisms, Mar. 12, 1745, San Fernando Cathedral Archives, cited in Teja, San Antonio de Béxar, 123, 194 nn. 18, 19. Yet, unlike the large genízaro (detribalized and enslaved Indian) population that grew steadily in New Mexico, the women and children held in bondage in Texas remained few in number, reflecting the weaker strength and force of Spaniards in Texas and the lack of trade with Plains Indians like Comanches, who often sold their own Apache captives in New Mexico markets. See Hinojosa and Fox, “Indians and Their Culture,” 109–10; and Teja, San Antonio de Béxar, 122–23. For New Mexico, see Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, 112–13, 149–56, 171–90, 199; and Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 6, 8, 121–42.
21. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 30; Thomas, Anza’s 1779 Comanche Campaign, 29. Conversely, punishments for Spanish soldiers who “behaved abjectly before the enemy” took the form of ritual humiliation in which the guilty men were “made to parade publicly, with distaffs and other women’s trappings.” Wichita mythology spoke of punishing a failed warrior by making him assume the dress and occupations of a woman. If a Comanche war chief retreated from the battlefield, he lost his war bonnet and, once stripped of the markers of warrior identity, “men hailed him as ‘elder sister.’” B. Gálvez, “Notes and Reflections,” 313. See also G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita, 244; and Hoebel, Political Organization and Law-Ways, 35.
22. Antonio Valverde y Cosío’s expedition diary, 1719, in Thomas, After Coronado, 132. David Weber cited this exchange in his Spanish Frontier in North America and originally translated the insult as calling the Spaniards “women.” Later, he shared an updated translation through a personal communication—a translation he had gained from translator Victoria Schussheim, who suggested that in the eighteenth century the term “crica” designated female sex organs (what in modern Spanish would be “coño”), thus making the 1719 insult the equivalent of “mujeres coñudas.” Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 168, 426 n. 97. For extensive use of Spanish references to honor, see the correspondence and reports of Athanase de Mézières, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:140–41, 150, 180, 194, 218, 303, 312, 338, 349, 350, 2:45, 47, 51, 164, 178, 212, 274, 275, 289, 291; Opler, Myths and Legends, 243; and O’Conor, report to Teodoro de Croix, July 22, 1777, in Defenses of Northern New Spain, 48, 59, 65, 86.
23. Testimony of Captain Nicolás Flores y Valdéz, cited in Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 217; fray Miguel Sevillano de Paredes, “Transsumpto de vn Memorial que por parte de este collegio se remitio al Rey en el Consejo Real de Indias estaño de 1729 en 12 de Nobe,” Dunn Transcripts, 1716–1749, Archivo del Colegio de la Santa Cruz de Querétaro, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin.
24. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:31–33; Juan Antonio Pérez de Almazán to His Excellency the marqués de Casafuerte, Dec. 1, 1731, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, xv; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 225–30.
25. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:32.
26. Domingo Cabello, Informe, Sept. 30, 1784, Provincias Internas, vol. 64, pt. 1, Archivo General de México, Center for American History, University of Texas at Austin (hereafter cited as AGM-UT); Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:32–33; report of Captain Juan Antonio de Bustillo y Ceballos, Jan. 31, 1733, cited in Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 232–34.
27. Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 238; proceedings concerning the infidelity of the Apaches, June 28, 1738, BA; Fernández de Santa Ana to Vizarrón, June 30, 1737, and Fernández de Santa Ana to fray Miguel Sevillano de Paredes, Aug. 8, 1737, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 26–27, 30.
28. Petition of the garrison of San Antonio de Béjar to Governor Bustillo, Dec. 24, 1732, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, xvii; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:32; testimonies of Vicente Alvarez Travieso, Asencio del Razo, and Ignacio Lorenzo de Armas in Governor Prudencio de Orobio y Basterra’s proceedings concerning the infidelity of the Apaches, June 25, 1738, BA; Bonilla, “Bonilla’s Brief Compendium,” 42, 43; Morfi, History of Texas, 2:293; statement of fray Gabriel de Vergara, Apr. 15, 1733, cited in Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 237.
29. Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 484; Fernández de Santa Ana to fray guardian Alonso Giraldo de Terreros, Feb. 2, 1746, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 62–63.
30. Letters of Fray Benito Fernández de Santa Ana to Viceroy conde de Fuenclara, May 16, 1745, to Giraldo de Terreros, Dec. 4, 1745, to Captain Toribio de Urrutia, Feb. 1, 1746, to Giraldo de Terreros, Feb. 2, 1746, and to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 50, 54, 55–56, 58, 60, 63, 165; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:35–36, 39–40; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 276.
31. Fernández de Santa Ana to Terreros, Feb. 2, 1746, and Fernández de Santa Ana to Urrutia, Feb. 1, 1746, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 57, 61, 66; Fernández de Santa Ana to Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 483, 485, 486; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:35–36, 40; fray Mariano de los Dolores y Viana to Governor Pedro del Barrio y Espriella, Nov. 25, 1749, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 95–97; petition by Francisco José de Arocha, n.d., affidavit of don Francisco Manuel Polanco, Oct. 19, 1750, receipt for two Apache Indian girls received from Governor Pedro del Barrio y Espriella by Toribio de Urrutia, June 23, 1750, appeal to governor from the cabildo, justicia, and regimiento of San Fernando, June 25, 1750, and statement of Governor Pedro del Barrio y Espriella, July 28, 1750, in the case documents of the Cabildo of San Fernando vs. Antonio Rodriguez Mederos, July 19, 1749–Jan. 15, 1751, BA.
32. Cabello, Informe, Sept. 30, 1784, AGM-UT; Dunn, “Apache Relations in Texas,” 261–62.
33. Fernández de Santa Ana to Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 486; Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 345–46 (for baptism record); Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:41–45 (44 for first quote, 41 for second quote); fray Mariano de los Dolores y Viana to Captain Toribio de Urrutia, Sept. 25, Nov. 29, 1749, and Dolores y Viana to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Oct. 8, 1750, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 84–86, 99, 133.
34. Fernández de Santa Ana to Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 485, 486–87.
35. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 334, 345, 349–52; Leutenegger, Inventory of the Mission, 26; Dolores y Viana to Urrutia and Lieutenant Joseph Eca y Músquiz, Sept. 17, 1750, and Dolores y Viana to Revilla Gigedo, Oct. 8, 1750, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 120, 123–24, 132–33.
36. Dolores y Viana to Lieutenant Commander José Joaquin de Eca y Músquiz, Sept. 10, 1750, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 115–17; Jacinto de Barrios y Jáuregui to Viceroy conde de Revilla Gigedo, Apr. 17, 1753, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:65.
37. Fernández de Santa Ana to Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 489.
38. Fernández de Santa Ana to Terreros, Feb. 2, 1746, in Fernández de Santa Ana, Letters and Memorials, 61. An expedition led by Juan de Ulibarri found religious medals among Apache men that they had preserved as spiritual sources, not of Christian salvation, but of Spanish military valor. When Ulibarri asked the warriors why they wore the crosses, medallions, and rosaries taken off Spanish dead, they responded simply that they had learned from long commerce with Spaniards that “because they [Spaniards] wore crosses and rosaries and images of saints, that they are very valiant.” “The Diary of Juan de Ulibarri to El Cuartelejo, 1706,” in Thomas, After Coronado, 72.
39. K. Gilmore, Documentary and Archeological Investigation, 36, 48, 49; Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 18–22, 58–60; Fernández de Santa Ana to Revilla Gigedo, Feb. 23, 1750, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 488; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:47–48, 57; fray Francisco Manuel Arroyo, “Relacion de los Sacrilegos . . . en los Confines de los Texas en el Rio de San Sabá,” ca. 1758, and fray Alonso Giraldo Terreros, inventory of supplies purchased in Mexico for the Mission Santa Cruz de San Sabá, Nov. 1757, in Hindes et al., Rediscovery of Santa Cruz de San Sabá, 12, 72–77; Dunn, “Apache Mission on the San Sabá River,” 397; Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 78; Weddle, San Sabá Mission.
40. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:59, 60–61.
41. Ibid., 2:60–61.
42. Ibid., 2:61–63.
43. Years later, fray Juan Domingo Arricivita wrote with hindsight that “as he [Chief Casa Blanca] had only seven hundred warriors to protect over two thousand, including women, children, and old men, and two thousand seven hundred head of stock, if he waited for his enemies there [at San Sabá], who were more numerous and had the advantage of firearms, the slaughter this would inflict would be frightful and would exterminate them completely.” Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:63–65. See José Cortés, Views from the Apache Frontier, 57, 77–78; and Opler, “Lipan Apache Death Complex.”
44. Deposition of Sergeant Joseph Antonio Flores, Mar. 21, 1758, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 58.
45. Depositions of Andrés de Villareal, Mar. 22, 1758, and Juan Leal, Mar. 22, 1758, in ibid., 68, 73.
46. Depositions of Juan Leal and Father Miguel de Molina, Mar. 22, 1758, in ibid., 74, 87; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 290–303.
47. Deposition of Sergeant Joseph Antonio Flores, Mar. 21, 1758, minutes of Colonel Parrilla’s interrogation of Lieutenant Juan Galván and various noncommissioned officers and soldiers, Mar. 22, 1758, deposition of Andrés de Villareal, Mar. 22, 1758, and petition presented to Colonel Parrilla by members of the garrison of San Luis de las Amarillas, Apr. 2, 1758, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 48–50, 53–54, 64, 71, 107. Dolores y Viana later credited the two Apaches with saving the lives of two of the children and one of the women by helping them as they fled. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:70.
48. Depositions of Leal and Father Molina, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 74, 85.
49. Deposition of Sergeant Flores, in ibid., 56; Romero de Terreros, “Destruction of the San Sabá Apache Mission”; Morfi, History of Texas, 2:382; Bolton, Texas in the Middle Eighteenth Century, 87; Weddle, San Sabá Mission, 82–89; Moorhead, Presidio, 171.
50. Depositions of Sergeant Flores, Villareal, and Leal, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 53, 69, 74.
51. The severed head from the statue is listed among materials salvaged from the ruins and sent to Mission San Juan Bautista on the Rio Grande. Almaráz, Inventory of the Rio Grande Missions, 37; Hindes et al., Rediscovery of Santa Cruz de San Sabá, 13; Morfi, History of Texas, 2:383; Dunn, “Apache Mission on the San Sabá River,” 411; Chipman, Spanish Texas, 287 n. 51; depositions of Sergeant Flores, Leal, and Father Molina, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 56, 73–74, 89; Morfi, History of Texas, 2:384; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:68. Another incident involving the beating deaths of Spaniards is found in 1784, when Taovaya warriors beat two settlers to death during a raid. Governor of Texas, Domingo Cabello, to Commandant General Felipe de Neve, July 20, 1784, BA. Though eight dead is most often cited by scholars as the total killed in the attack, Juan M. Romero de Terreros suggests that subsequent accounts indicate that three others died later from wounds, making for an eventual total of eleven, not counting a reputed seventeen dead among the Comanches and their allies. Romero de Terreros, “Destruction of the San Sabá Apache Mission.”
52. G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita, 7; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, 246.
53. Hoebel, Political Organization and Law-Ways, 21; Athanase de Mézières, investigation of the murder of two Tuacana Indians, Aug. 1775, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:117–19; Latin phrase translated in Athanase de Mézières to the governor of Louisiana, Luis Unzaga y Amezaga, Aug. 20, 1772, in ibid., 1:337–38; Bolton, Hasinais, 80.
54. G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita, 7, 22, 34, 244; Opler, Myths and Legends, 223, 249; Sjoberg, “Culture of the Tonkawa,” 292; Barnard, “Comanche and His Literature,” 128; Gelo, “Comanche Belief and Ritual,” 32–33, 120; “Talon Interrogations,” 239; fray Francisco Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, and fray Francisco Hidalgo to the viceroy, Nov. 4, 1716, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 217, 57; G. Dorsey, Traditions of the Caddo, 54–55; Espinosa, Crónica de los Colegios, 696, 710; Athanase de Mézières to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:175; Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla to fray José García, guardian of the College of San Fernando, Apr. 8, 1758, in Hadley, Naylor, and Schuetz-Miller, Presidio and Militia, 513.
55. For similar treatment of Spaniards by Aztec warriors, see Clendinnen, “‘Fierce and Unnatural Cruelty,’” 84.
56. Depositions of Father Molina, Leal, and Ensign Juan Cortinas, Mar. 27, 1758, and Colonel Parrilla to marqués de las Amarillas, Apr. 8, 1758, in Simpson and Nathan, San Sabá Papers, 76, 86, 118, 138–39.
57. Deposition of Villareal, and Parrilla to the viceroy, Apr. 8, 1758, in ibid., 71, 145.
58. Petition presented to Colonel Parrilla, Apr. 2, 1758, depositions of Sergeant Tomás de Ogeda, Mar. 27, 1758, and Sergeant Domingo Castelo, Mar. 27, 1758, and Parrilla to the viceroy, Apr. 8, 1758, in ibid., 107–15, 136; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:72.
59. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:70–73.
60. Schuetz, “Indians of the San Antonio Missions,” 164; Weddle, San Sabá Mission, 137; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:74; Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla, Consulta, Nov. 18, 1759, cited in Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 162; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 303; Allen, “Parrilla Expedition to the Red River.”
61. Fray Diego Jiménez and Manuel Antonio Cuevas to the viceroy, Jan. 24, 1763, in Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:76, 81.
62. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:76; Felipe de Rábago de Terán, Auto, Dec. 31, 1761, and fray Diego Jiménez to Rábago y Terán, Oct. 8, 1762, Historia, vol. 84, Hackett Transcripts, AGM-UT.
63. Fray Diego Jiménez to the Father Guardian of the Council of the Holy Cross, Nov. 23, 1761, in Morfi, History of Texas, 2:399; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:77–79; Felipe Rábago y Terán, Auto, Jan. 23, 1762, as translated in Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 166, 169; Wade, Native Americans, 195.
64. Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 8, 31, 33, 162; Rubí, “Itinerario de Señor Marqués de Rubí,” in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 111; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:83; K. Gilmore, Documentary and Archeological Investigation, 14–15, 17, fig. 2b; Weddle, San Sabá Mission, 154–55.
65. Fray Diego Jiménez and fray Manuel Antonio de Cuevas to the señor auditor of the viceroy, Feb. 25, 1763, Dunn Transcripts, 1748–1763, Archivo General de Indias, Audiencia de México, Catholic Archives of Texas, Austin; Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 168–71.
66. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:85, 86–87.
67. Ibid., 2:87; Autos of Felipe Rábago y Terán, Feb. 28, Mar. 18, Apr. 20, 22, 1767, cited in Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 173–74.
68. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:86. The majority of burials found at San Lorenzo were those of women and children. Jiménez and Cuevas to the señor auditor, Feb. 25, 1763, Dunn Transcripts, 1748–1763, Catholic Archives of Texas; fray Diego Jiménez, report on the state of the missions from Oct. 1758 to Dec. 1767, Historia, vol. 20, AGM-UT; baptismal register of the Mission San Lorenzo de la Santa Cruz, in Almaráz, Inventory of the Rio Grande Missions, 45; Tunnell and Newcomb, Lipan Apache Mission, 18–22, 39–48, 114–25.
69. Jiménez, report on the state of the missions, AGM-UT; Jiménez and Cuevas to the señor auditor, Feb. 25, 1763, Dunn Transcripts, 1748–1763, Catholic Archives of Texas; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:82; fray Diego Jiménez to the Reverend Commissary, Oct. 28, 1762, in Morfi, History of Texas, 2:401.
70. For a shifting sense of the parameters of Apachería, see Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 36–37. Turpin, “Iconography of Contact,” 288; Kirkland and Newcomb, Rock Art of Texas Indians, 108 (for quote).
71. Title 10 of the Reglamento, in Brinckerhoff and Faulk, Lancers for the King, 33; Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 180–81; report of the status of the Texas missions, Mar. 6, 1762, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 350.
72. Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 2:24; minutes and resolutions of the third junta de guerra, held in Chihuahua, June 9–15, 1778, BA; councils of war held at Monclova (Dec. 11, 1777) and San Antonio (Jan. 5, 1778) to consider frontier Indian matters, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:147–70.
1. Fray José de Calahorra y Sanz [Sáenz], “Diary of the Journey,” Oct. 24, 1760, in Johnson and Jelks, “Tawakoni-Yscani Village.”
2. The reconstruction of events comes from Pedro de Sierra to Governor Angel de Martos y Navarrete, Mar. 20, 1765, Calahorra to Governor Martos y Navarrete, July 16, 1765, statement of Calahorra, July 30, 1765, and testimony of Antonio Treviño before Governor Martos y Navarrete, July 13, 1765, BA. Treviño was called to testify to Martos y Navarrete about the details of his capture and about all he had observed during his time in the fortified Taovaya villages.
3. Though rare (most adult men captured in battle were destined for torture and death rather than adoption), this was not an altogether unheard-of decision on the part of a native leader. Jean Louis Berlandier, who was sent to Texas in the 1820s by the Mexican government to observe the region and its native inhabitants, wrote, “Sometimes in battle, when an enemy defends himself with courage and attracts attention for his bravery, the Comanches will try to capture him without harming him.” “They offer him hospitality,” he continued, “in order, they say, to perpetuate the race of a warrior, and they offer him women.” In fact, if he was willing, they would readily adopt the prisoner into their band. José Francisco Ruíz, who lived among the Comanches for eight years and was Berlandier’s main informant, explained that captured warriors were those respected for their courage, and they were “allowed rights and privileges after they join in a battle with the tribe, and particularly if they distinguish themselves in the campaign.” Berlandier, Indians of Texas in 1830, 64; Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes, 15.
4. Calahorra to Governor Martos y Navarrete, July 16, 1765, statement of Calahorra, July 30, 1765, and testimony of Treviño, July 13, 1765, BA.
5. This description of the mission is based on the observations of Nicolás de Lafora and fray José de Solís, who both toured the area in 1767, the former with the marqués de Rubí’s inspection of the defensive capabilities of the northern provinces, and the latter on an inspection tour of the missions administered by the mission college of Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de Zacatecas. Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 166; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 69.
6. Calahorra to Governor Martos y Navarrete, July 16, 1765, statement of Calahorra, July 30, 1765, and testimony of Treviño, July 13, 1765, BA; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 11–12.
7. Having won Wichita warriors’ high regard by his valor, the Spaniard, Antonio Treviño, became an oft-used emissary and diplomat representing Spanish officials in their relations with Taovayas and other Wichita bands. When he traveled with Athanase de Mézières in 1778 to visit these various bands, Taovaya men demonstrated their continued respect and attachment to Treviño, greeting him and those who accompanied him with great joy and carrying him upon their shoulders in an honorable welcome to their villages. The soldier-turned-diplomat proved so successful in the negotiations that Mézières recommended Treviño for promotion. For Treviño’s later service as a mediator among the Wichitas, see reports of Mézières in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:199, 205, 215, 322.
8. Rubí, “Itinerario de Señor Marqués de Rubí,” and Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 129–30, 130 n. 83, 195; Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 167.
9. Calahorra, “Diary of the Journey,” Oct. 24, 1760, 411–14; Calahorra to Governor Martos y Navarrete, June 6, Aug. 20, 1763, BA.
10. Testimony of Treviño, July 13, 1765, BA.
11. Newcomb and Field, “Ethnohistoric Investigation of the Wichita Indians”; Mildred Mott Wedel, “The Wichita Indians in the Arkansas River Basin,” in Ubelaker and Viola, Plains Indian Studies; Newcomb, People Called Wichita; John, “Wichita Migration Tale”; Vehik, “Cultural Continuity and Discontinuity,” and “Wichita Culture History.”
12. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History; M. Foster, Being Comanche; Betty, Comanche Society before the Reservation; Shimkin, “Shoshone-Comanche Origins and Migrations.”
13. “Official Relation by the Lieutenant-Governor of Natchitoches to the Captain-General of Luisiana concerning the Expedition Which, by Order of His Lordship, He Made to Cadodachos to Treat with the Hostile Tribes Whose Chiefs Met in That Village,” Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:218–19.
14. Fray Mariano de los Dolores y Viana to Colonel Diego Ortiz Parrilla, Dec. 28, 1759, in Dolores y Viana, Letters and Memorials, 317–18.
15. For estimates of the Indian population and the number of warriors, see report of Dn. Athanacio de Mézières, captain of infantry, to Colonel Barón de Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, and report of the junta de guerra at San Antonio de Béxar, Jan. 5, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:284–310, 2:165–66. During his 1766–68 inspection tour, the marqués de Rubí noted 50 soldiers at La Bahía, 22 at San Antonio de Béxar, 100 at San Sabá, and 60 at Los Adaes. In his “Dictamen,” he proposed that following the extinction of San Sabá and Los Adaes, the two remaining presidios, La Bahía and San Antonio de Béxar, have garrisons of 50 and 80, respectively. In 1781, Teodoro de Croix proposed increasing those forces to 63 at La Bahía and 100 at San Antonio de Béxar. Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 151, 160, 167, 177; Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 184; Teodoro de Croix, “General Report of 1781,” in Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier, 78.
16. Morfi, History of Texas, 1:92–93; Croix, “General Report of 1781,” 77.
17. Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 182–83; Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 237–42.
18. Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 181–82.
19. Alexandro O’Reilly, proclamation, Dec. 7, 1769, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 2:126–27; Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:136, 152, 168; Usner, Indians, Settlers, and Slaves, 133–34.
1. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 28–62; M. Foster, Being Comanche, 60–64; Comanche Field Notes, 1933, E. Adamson Hoebel Papers, series 5, American Philosophical Society, Philadelphia; report of Dn. Athanacio de Mézières, captain of infantry, to Colonel Barón de Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:295 (for quote); Sibley, “Historical Sketches of the Several Indian Tribes,” 1:721; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 43, 62, 109–16; and Sabo, “Reordering Their World,” 36–39. Six years later, Mézières reiterated his point in a report to the commandant general of the Interior Provinces, writing that Wichita men “devote themselves wholly to the chase and to warfare. By the first they become rich, by the second famous. They come to be petty chiefs among their people, not by the prowess of their fathers, but by their own. To this is added the thought that in proportion to their achievements they will gain for themselves happiness in the next life.” Athanase de Mézières to Teodoro de Croix, Apr. 18, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:203.
2. Faulk, Last Years of Spanish Texas, 22–37; Chipman and Joseph, Notable Men and Women, 150–225; Arricivita, Apostolic Chronicle, 1:18, 71, 145, 279, 293; Weber, Spanish Frontier in North America, 198–235.
3. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 28–39; José Cortés, Views from the Apache Frontier, 56–57, 62, 69; Griffen, Apaches at War and Peace, 6–7; Chipman and Joseph, Notable Men and Women, 150–77, 202–25.
4. Writ from the cabildo of the villa of San Fernando de Béxar to Governor Angel de Martos y Navarrete, Aug. 1762, BA.
5. Juan Antonio Padilla, “Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas,” Dec. 27, 1819, in Hatcher, “Texas in 1820,” 56; Mézières to Croix, Apr. 19 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:212; O’Conor, Defenses of Northern New Spain, 91–93; Teodoro de Croix, “General Report of 1781,” in Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier, 79; Mézières to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:179.
6. O’Conor, Defenses of Northern New Spain, 56; Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 184; Gregory and McCorkle, Historical and Archaeological Background, 16–17; Chipman, Spanish Texas, 179. As early as 1744, Governor Winthuysen had tried to convince Viceroy conde de Fuenclara that neither the governor of the province nor a large garrison were needed in Los Adaes and should instead be moved to San Antonio de Béxar, identifying only the French (not Apaches) as a possible threat to the post. See Tomás Felipe Winthuysen to Viceroy conde de Fuenclara, Aug. 19, 1744, BA.
7. List of the effects which should be given to the three Indian nations of the Post of Natchitoches, Jan. 22, 1770, contract of [merchant] Juan Piseros with De Mézières, Feb. 3, 1770, and instructions for the traders of the Caddo and Yatasi nations, Feb. 4, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:132–34, 143–46, 148–50; Sabo, “Reordering Their World,” 39–40; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 70.
8. Agreement made with the Indian nations in assembly, Apr. 21, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:157–58.
9. Ibid.
10. “Official Relation by the Lieutenant-Governor of Natchitoches to the Captain-General of Luisiana concerning the Expedition Which, by Order of His Lordship, He Made to Cadodachos to Treat with the Hostile Tribes Whose Chiefs Met in That Village,” Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:208; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 118.
11. Articles of peace granted to the Taouaïazés Indians, Oct. 27, 1771, and governor of Louisiana, Antonio de Ulloa, to commandant inspector of presidios, Hugo O’Conor, 1768, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:256–60, 128–29; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 71–72, 117.
12. Mézières to governor of Louisiana, Luis Unzaga y Amezaga, May 15, 1770, and Unzaga y Amezaga to Mézières, June 1, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:160–63, 171–73.
13. Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, Sept. 27, 1770, and “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, in ibid., 1:199, 205, 209.
14. Natchitoches post commandant Macarti to Texas governor Angel de Martos y Navarrete, Sept. 10, 1763, BA; “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:209–11.
15. “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, and fray Miguel Santa María y Silva to Viceroy Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursúa, July 21, 1774, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:211–12, 2:73, 71. In depositions taken immediately after the expedition, however, two Spanish soldiers, Sergeant Domingo Chirinos and Christobal Carbaxal, make no mention of such exclusion or indifference toward the Spaniards present, though in general they believed that “the Indians failed to make any true sign of peace.” “Depositions of Sergeant Domingo Chirinos and Christobal Carbaxal relative to the Expedition to Cadodachos,” Oct. 30–31, 1770, in ibid., 1:220–27.
16. Mézières had been planning to make this demand for quite a time, since the second quote regarding the intentions behind his demand that they go to San Antonio comes from a letter he wrote to the governor of Louisiana the previous May. Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 21, 1770, and “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, in ibid., 1:199, 210, 212–14.
17. Report by Athanase de Mézières to Luis Unzaga y Amezaga on the expedition to Cadodachos, Oct. 29, 1770, Unzaga y Amezaga to Mézières, Nov. 29, 1770, Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, Mar. 14, 20, 1771, and Unzaga y Amezaga to Mézières, Apr. 6, 1771, in ibid., 1:220, 232–33, 245–46, 248.
18. Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, July 3, 1771, governor of Texas, Juan María, Baron de Ripperdá, to Unzaga y Amezaga, Dec. 31, 1771, in ibid., 1:249–51, 264, 265.
19. Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, Feb. 1, May 20, 1770, in ibid., 1:140–42, 199–200. Later, the Wichitas redeemed trophies taken by others. In 1774 and again in 1779, Tawakoni warriors attacked Comanches and redeemed from them Spanish scalps. Tawakonis had sworn “to treat as their enemies those who are ours,” explained Mézières, and the repossession of the scalps won words of praise. Recovery of the scalps—labeled an “atrocious trophy of barbarism” by Spaniards—further cemented the Tawakoni warriors’ valorous reputation. Mézières praised the deed as symbolic of the Tawakoni nation’s “zeal and bravery,” while Commandant General Teodoro de Croix interpreted it as “proof of faithful friendship.” Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, Dec. 16, 1774, Mézières to Commandant General Teodoro de Croix, Aug. 23, 1779, and Commandant General Croix to José de Gálvez, minister of the Indies, May 23, 1780, in ibid., 2:115, 261, 310.
20. Articles of peace granted to the Taouaïazés Indians, Oct. 27, 1771, in ibid., 1:256–60. In 1778, for instance, Mézières made a personal diplomatic pilgrimage through Wichita settlements and asked, as a “father,” that Wichita warriors “invite, incite, and force” Comanches to Spanish friendship, adding that he counted on Wichita warriors as defenders of the peace “to have the axe raised, not letting it fall to give blows, but to prevent them.” Mézières to Bernardo de Gálvez, Sept. 13, 1779, in ibid., 2:275.
21. Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, Dec. 31, 1771, and Ripperdá to Mézières, Oct. 7, 1771, in ibid., 1:266, 255–56.
22. Barón de Ripperdá, certification of the treaty with the Taovayas, Apr. 27, 1772; report of Dn. Athanacio de Mézières, captain of infantry, to Colonel Barón de Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, and Ripperdá to the viceroy, July 5, 1772, in ibid., 1:260, 299, 320–22. Tawakoni men also referred to Mézières as the “Painted Chief,” implying that he too had gone through a similar ceremony of incorporation. The “paint,” a niece in France explained, was in the form of serpents tattooed on his legs and floral designs on his chest as male status markers earned while he lived among natives as a young man. Caroline Stéphanie Félicité Ducrest, Comtesse de Genlis, Memoires inedits de madame la comtesse de Genlis, as cited in Mills, “(De) Mézières-Trichel-Grappe,” 34, 72 n. 210; Chipman and Joseph, Notable Men and Women, 153. In a similar spirit, as late as 1792, the grandson of St. Denis, Louis de Blanc, invited Caddo warriors to join Natchitoches soldiers in battle by sending around a “drawing of a painted leg” as a symbol of his grandfather’s titled rank as “Big Leg” among their communities. Luis de Blanc to Barón de Carondelet, Apr. 16, 1792, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 3:26. For similar ceremonies fifty years before with Frenchmen, see La Harpe, “Account of the Journey.”
23. G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita, 8, 284; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, 272–75; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History; fray Francisco Casañas de Jesús María to the viceroy of Mexico, Aug. 15, 1691, in Hatcher, “Descriptions of the Tejas,” 217; La Harpe, “Account of the Journey,” 259; auditor Domingo Valcárcel to the viceroy, Sept. 25, 1753, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:98. Apache men of repute, similarly to those of other nations, added special designations such as “Jasquié,” meaning “valiant,” to their names. Cordero, “Cordero’s Description of the Apache—1796,” 341; Merino, “Views from a Desk in Chihuahua,” 155.
24. Mézières to Croix, May 24, Sept. 13, 1779, instructions for the traders of the Cadaux D’Acquioux and Hiatasses nations, Feb. 4, 1770, and “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:254, 275–76, 1:206–20, 148–51, 209–10; appointment of the Taboayaz chief, Feb. 14, 1785, BA.
25. Galloway, “‘Chief Who Is Your Father.’” For discussions of kinship systems and their significance to political and social organization within these societies, see G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita; Schmitt and Schmitt, Wichita Kinship; Newcomb, People Called Wichita, and Indians of Texas; Parsons, Notes on the Caddo; D. Hickerson, “Historical Processes, Epidemic Disease”; and Swanton, Source Material.
26. Qui Te Sain, chief of the village of the Taovayas, to Bernardo de Gálvez, Nov. 4, 1780, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 1:392.
27. Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War,” 111–12; “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:209–10; see also 2:210, 270; Johnson and Jelks, “TawakoniYscani Village,” 414–15; Opler, Myths and Legends, 245; Morfi, Excerpts from the Memorias, 6; Parsons, Notes on the Caddo, 28; G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita; Schmitt and Schmitt, Wichita Kinship; Newcomb, People Called Wichita; Gladwin, “Comanche Kin Behavior”; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches; M. Foster, Being Comanche; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History.
28. Albers, “Symbiosis, Merger, and War,” 108.
29. Report of Dn. Athanacio de Mézières, July 4, 1772, Ripperdá to Viceroy Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursúa, July 5, 1772, and Mézières to Bucareli y Ursúa, July 16, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:289, 297, 299–300, 302, 303, 311, 323–26, 328.
30. Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, Dec. 9, 1772, Ripperdá to Bucareli y Ursúa, Mar. 30, 1773, and Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, May 8, 1774, BA. In this last letter, the viceroy listed at least six different orders in which he barred the gun trade. John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 463; report of Dn. Athanacio de Mézières, July 4, 1772, J. Gaignard, journal of an expedition up the Red River, 1773–74, and Ripperdá to Croix, Apr. 27, 1777, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:301–2, 2:89, 127; Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Re-Occupation of East Texas,” 94, 97.
31. J. Gaignard to Louisiana governor Luis de Unzaga y Amezaga, Jan. 4, 1774, and Gaignard, journal of an expedition, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:81–82, 84–86.
32. Gaignard, journal of an expedition, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:87–100.
33. Qui Te Sain to Bernardo de Gálvez, Nov. 4, 1780, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 1:392.
34. Antonio Gil Ybarbo [Ibarvo] to Gálvez, Nov. 1, 1780, in ibid., 1:390–91; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 123–24.
35. Grappe, “Expedition to the Kichai,” 75–76.
36. Domingo Cabello to Felipe de Neve, June 20, July 20, 1784, BA; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 647–51.
37. Cabello to Croix, Sept. 17, Oct. 12, 1780, and Cabello to Neve, June 20, July 20, 1784, BA.
38. Appointment of the Taboayaz chief, Feb. 14, 1785, and Cabello to Commandant General José Antonio Rengel, Feb. 18, 1785, BA.
39. Cabello to Rengel, Apr. 7, 1785, BA.
40. Ibid.; Schmitt, “Wichita Death Customs,” 201.
41. Cabello to Rengel, Feb. 17, May 19, 1785, BA; John, “Francisco Xavier Chaves.”
42. Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 126–31; Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 68–72; Betty, Comanche Society before the Reservation, 29, 96–120.
43. Ripperdá to the viceroy, July 4, 5, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:314–15, 321–22.
44. Gaignard, journal of an expedition, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:88, 91, 93–94; Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, May 8, 1774, BA.
45. Mézières to Gálvez, Sept. 14, 1777, and plan for a campaign against the Apaches, Feb. 7, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:182, 206.
46. Mézières to Gálvez, Sept. 14, 1777, plan for a campaign, Feb. 7, 1778, and Mézières to Croix, Apr. 18, 19, 1778, in ibid., 2:146 (for first quote), 179, 181–82, 200 (for second quote), 206, 213.
47. Mézières to Croix, Nov. 15, 1778, in ibid., 2:232–33; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 523–24.
48. Cabello to Croix, Feb. 10, 11, 1779, and Croix to Cabello, May 14, 1779, BA; Croix, “General Report of 1781,” 77, 86; Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Re-Occupation of East Texas,” 127–28.
49. A halberd is a weapon combining an ax and a pike mounted on a six-foot handle. Cabello to Croix, Feb. 12, July 17, 1780, BA; strength reports of the cavalry company of the royal presidio of San Antonio de Béxar, Dec. 31, 1780, Feb. 28, 1781, BA.
50. Cabello to Croix, July 4, 10, 17, Aug. 17, Oct. 20, 1780, BA.
51. For descriptions of surveillance routes, see strength reports and daily records of occurrences at the presidio of San Antonio de Béxar, Dec. 1780, Jan., Feb. 1781, BA. These reports continued through the decade. Vasconcelos, Journal of a Texas Missionary, 16–20; expediente concerning precautions to be taken in view of the threat of hostile Indians, Apr. 2–23, 1781, BA; petition from the ayuntamiento [town council] of San Fernando de Béxar to Governor Domingo Cabello, 1781, BA. “Expediente” is a record-keeping term used by the Spanish government for a bundle of documents pertaining to the same topic.
52. Cabello to Croix, Aug. 17, Sept. 16, 19, Oct. 20, Nov. 1, 1780, BA.
53. Cabello to Croix, Oct. 20, 1780, BA; Croix, “General Report of 1781,” 74, 75, 77, 79, 83–87.
54. Cabello to Croix, Oct. 20, Nov. 20, 1780, BA; Mézières to Croix, Nov. 15, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:231–32; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 78; Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 37–38, 49; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 93, 95, 98, 102.
55. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 33–34.
56. Ibid., 34–35.
57. Ibid., 36.
58. Ibid.
59. “List of Goods and Effects That Have Been Provided to Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier Chaves,” June 17, 1785, BA; Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 37–38.
60. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 38.
61. Ibid., 38–39.
62. Ibid., 39–40. For other firsthand testimony indicating that “brotherhood” was a relationship Comanches had shared with European men in the eighteenth century, see the testimonies of Luis Febre, Pedro Satren (or Latren), and Joseph Miguel Riballo to the governor of New Mexico, Tomás Vélez Cachupín, 1749–50, and Declaration of Felipe de Sandoval, Mar. 1, 1750, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 3:298–324. After arriving in Taos, New Mexico, in the company of Comanches, the three Frenchmen, Febre, Satren, and Riballo (and later the Spaniard Felipe de Sandoval), were all brought before the governor to be questioned about what Spanish officials considered their illegal activities of living and trading among “hostile” Wichitas and Comanches and, by extension, whether those activities reflected French imperial goals that might menace New Spain’s northern provinces. The interrogations of the four men also sought as much information as possible about Wichita and Comanche bands that, by themselves or as allies of the French, represented a threat to the Spaniards.
63. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 39–42. For discussion of the qualities of leadership valued in Comanche society, see Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 28–36, 43.
64. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 39–44.
65. Ibid., 44.
66. Hoebel, “Comanche and H3kandika Shoshone Relationship Systems,” 448; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 40, 48; Gelo, “On a New Interpretation of Comanche Social Organization”; Kardiner, “Analysis of Comanche Culture”; Comanche Field Notes, 1933, E. Adamson Hoebel Papers, American Philosophical Society; Wallace and Hoebel, Comanches, 272–75; Neighbors, “Na-ü-ni, or Comanches of Texas,” 131.
67. Pedro Vial, “Diary of Pedro Vial, Béxar to Santa Fe,” Oct. 4, 1786–May 26, 1787, in Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 279; see also 272. Thomas Gladwin, in discussing Comanche kin behavior, wrote, “A person will never use a special relationship term toward another unless this other reciprocates by using an appropriate term toward the first.” While Gladwin’s analysis focused on internal social relations among the Comanches, one may suppose that with the use of kin terminology in diplomacy, Comanches brought to the practice similar expectations of usage and behavior. He does report that “The closer terms of kinship . . . are also extended in their application to non-related or little-known people toward whom one wishes to show friendliness or respect. . . . With the selection of terms there is, apparently, a selection of behavior patterns also, always followed consistently by both parties involved.” Gladwin, “Comanche Kin Behavior,” 80. See also Betty, Comanche Society before the Reservation, 13–45.
68. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 44–45.
69. Ibid.; Hoebel, “Comanche and H3kandika Shoshone Relationship Systems,” 447.
70. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 39–46. The names of the three delegates are found in “An Account of the Events Which Have Occurred in the Provinces of New Mexico concerning Peace Conceded to the Comanche Nation and Their Reconciliation with the Utes, since November 17 of Last Year [1785] and July 15 of the Current [1786],” in Thomas, Forgotten Frontiers, 320. See also Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 106.
71. Vial and Chaves, “Inside the Comanchería,” 48; Domingo Cabello to José Antonio Rengel, Oct. 3, 1785, BA.
72. Cabello to Rengel, Nov. 25, 1785, BA.
73. Ibid.; “Treaty with the Eastern Comanches,” Oct. 1785, in Simmons, Border Comanches, 21–22.
74. Cabello to Rengel, Nov. 25, 1785, BA.
75. Pedro Vial and Francisco Xavier Chaves, “Diary of Trip from San Antonio to the Comanche Villages to Treat for Peace,” Nov. 15, 1785, in Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 103; Cabello to Rengel, Nov. 25, 1785, BA.
76. “Replies Given by the Governor of the Province of Texas to Questions Put to Him by the Lord Commandant General of the Interior [Provinces] in an Official Letter of the 27th of January, 1786, concerning Various Circumstances of the Eastern Cumanche Indians,” Apr. 30, 1786, and Cabello to Rengel, draft, Feb. 20, 1786, BA.
1. Parker, “Manners, Customs, and History,” 683; Wissler, North American Indians of the Plains, 148; G. Dorsey, Mythology of the Wichita, 3.
2. Marqués de Cruillas to Governor Angel de Martos y Navarrete, Oct. 1, 1762, testimony of Antonio Gallardo, May 10, 1763, testimony of Joaquín Cadena, May 11, 1763, fray José Calahorra y Sáenz to Martos y Navarrete, June 6, 1763, examination of witnesses of the third trip of fray Calahorra to the Tehuacanas (especially the testimonies of Pedro de Sierra and Antonio Gallardo), Oct. 24, 1763, Calahorra to Martos y Navarrete, June 6, 1763, July 16, 1765, and statement of Calahorra, July 30, 1765, BA. These documents are contained within the bundled expediente headed “Documents concerning settlement of the Tehuacana and Yscani Indians into missions, Oct. 1, 1762–Nov. 15, 1763” (though Calahorra’s letter on July 16 and statement on July 30, 1765, are within the later expediente, “Proceedings concerning the restoration of Antonio Treviño to his presidio, Mar. 20–Aug. 26, 1765”), BA. In addition to fray Calahorra, the soldiers who had accompanied him to the Tawakoni and Iscani villages in the early 1760s and witnessed his meetings with leaders there were asked to testify about what they had heard and observed. Martos y Navarrete to Commandant Macarti, Nov. 5, 1763, in Pichardo, Pichardo’s Treatise on the Limits, 4:334–36; Johnson and Jelks, “Tawakoni-Yscani Village”; F. Smith, Wichita Indians, 37.
3. “Official Relation by the Lieutenant-Governor of Natchitoches to the Captain-General of Luisiana concerning the Expedition Which, by Order of His Lordship, He Made to Cadodachos to Treat with the Hostile Tribes Whose Chiefs Met in That Village,” Oct. 29, 1770, Athanase de Mézières to the governor of Louisiana, Luis Unzaga y Amezaga, July 3, 1771, and treaty with the Taovayas, Oct. 27, 1771, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:216, 251, 256–59.
4. Barón de Ripperdá to Viceroy Antonio María de Bucareli y Ursúa, July 5, 1772, in ibid., 1:322.
5. Ripperdá to Bucareli y Ursúa, July 5, Aug. 2, 1772, and Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, Sept. 8, 1772, in ibid., 1:322, 334–35, 348; Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, Dec. 9, 1772, BA.
6. Ripperdá to Bucareli y Ursúa, Mar. 30, 1773, and Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, Nov. 16, Dec. 9, 1772, May 25, 1773, BA.
7. Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, Mar. 24, Apr. 28, 1772, BA; Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 26, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:273; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 406.
8. Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, June 16, 1772, BA; Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 26, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:274.
9. Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, June 16, 1772, BA; Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 26, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:274.
10. Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, June 16, 1772, BA; Ripperdá to Bucareli y Ursúa, July 5, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:321–22. It might seem likely that this Comanche warrior’s wife was the woman who had headed the original rescue delegation, though Ripperdá made no mention of the daughter in his records of the Comanche man’s protests. However, it might just as easily have been one of the three women held in the missions. Spanish missionaries would see little reason to recognize a prior union by Comanche custom—thus, unsanctified by the church—as an impediment to marriage to a mission neophyte, or they could just as easily have identified the third woman as “single” only because she had not been married in the church, as had the other two.
11. Scholars have made the most study of wife stealing in Comanche society. See Hoebel, Political Organization and Law-Ways, 49–65; Kardiner, “Analysis of Comanche Culture,” 57, 60, 88; Collier, Marriage and Inequality in Classless Societies, 45–50; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 40; and Gladwin, “Comanche Kin Behavior.” For historical accounts, see Ruíz, Report on the Indian Tribes, 14; and Berlandier, Journey to Mexico, 1:344.
12. Alexandro O’Reilly, proclamation, Dec. 7, 1769, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 2:126–27; Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:136, 152, 168, 2:95; Webre, “Problem of Indian Slavery in Spanish Louisiana”; Baade, “Law of Slavery in Spanish Luisiana.”
13. Mézières to Unzaga y Amezaga, May 20, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:166–69.
14. Mézières to Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, and Mézières to the viceroy, Feb. 20, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:313, 2:185–86; John, “Nurturing the Peace,” 351; Teja, “St. James at the Fair,” 397. For a New Mexico trade comparison, see Frank, From Settler to Citizen, 14–21, 30–34; Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came, 151–55, 179–90; and Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 60–68, 125, 162–64.
15. Rubí, Dictamen of Apr. 10, 1768, in J. Jackson, Imaginary Kingdom, 205; Brinckerhoff and Faulk, Lancers for the King, 31–35. Distinctions existing in the law, however, often had little to do with practices on the ground, and the use of captive women and children for diplomatic gain did not ensure their welfare or ultimate freedom. Captive Indian women were never made exempt from punitive policies that sent them to labor camps and enslavement in Mexico City and Cuba. Ana María Alonso points out that 610 women and children, as compared with 55 men, made up the number of Apaches taken captive by forces of the Provincias Internas between 1786 and 1789. Alonso, Thread of Blood, 37. See also Archer, “Deportation of Barbarian Indians”; and Moorhead, “Spanish Deportation of Hostile Apaches.”
16. Domingo Cabello to the commandant general of the Interior Provinces, Teodoro de Croix, Mar. 18, 1779, BA.
17. The missions were Nuestra Señora de Guadalupe de los Nacogdoches, San Miguel de Linares de los Adaes, and Nuestra Señora de los Dolores de los Ais. Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Re-Occupation of East Texas”; Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, Apr. 17, 1773, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:30.
18. Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 60–69; Gregory and McCorkle, Historical and Archaeological Background, 37.
19. Mézières to Croix, Apr. 18, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:203. Women’s contribution, Mézières continued, was found in the extensive nature of their labors: “The women tan, sew, and paint the skins, fence in the fields, care for the cornfields, harvest the crops, cut and fetch the fire-wood, prepare the food, build the houses, and rear the children, their constant care stopping at nothing that contributed to the comfort and pleasure of their husbands.” See also Mézières to Croix, Apr. 7, 19, 1778, in ibid., 2:197, 205. Among Wichita men considered friends and thus brothers, “kinship behavior and terms were extended on the basis of this relationship to both families so that parents of a friend became ‘father’ and ‘mother’ and his siblings became ‘brother’ and ‘sister.’” Schmitt and Schmitt, Wichita Kinship, 22.
20. Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, Apr. 15, 1773, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:30; Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Re-Occupation of East Texas,” 83–84, 86–87, 96, 102, 108–12, 119–20; F. Smith, Caddo Indians, 73.
21. Antonio Gil Ibarvo to Hugo O’Conor, Jan. 8, 1774, transcript, Historia, vol. 51, AGMUT; Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Re-Occupation of East Texas,” 86–88; Chipman and Joseph, Notable Men and Women, 192–94; Mézières to Croix, Mar. 18, Apr. 19, 1778, and Croix to José de Gálvez, Sept. 23, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:188, 205, 227.
22. Croix to Governor Cabello, May 14, 1779, and opinion of auditor general of the Interior Provinces, Pedro Galindo y Navarro, Jan. 18, 1780, BA; Mézières to Croix, Aug. 23, 1779, and Croix to José de Gálvez, May 23, 1780, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:261, 310; Bolton, “Spanish Abandonment and Re-Occupation of East Texas,” 127–31; Chipman and Joseph, Notable Men and Women, 195–96.
23. Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 66; Lafora, Frontiers of New Spain, 167; testimonies of Julien Besson, Louis Le Mathe, Mary Senes Brevel, Jean Baptiste Grappe, and François Grappe to John Sibley, Sept. 15–22, 1805, American State Papers, Class 1, Foreign Relations, vol. 2. Sibley, the U.S. agent stationed in Natchitoches in the early 1800s, asked Besson, Le Mathe, Brevel, and the Grappes—all residents who had lived in or near the settlement of Bayou Pierre since the days of French rule—to testify as to past Spanish-French boundary lines along the Red River. See also the expediente concerning the trial of José Antonio Ortiz, July 5–13, 1805, BA; Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology,” 261–69; Gregory and McCorkle, Historical and Archaeological Background, 88–90; Croix to Ripperdá, Sept. 11, 1777, BA; Mills, “Social and Family Patterns,” 238, Natchitoches, 1800–1826, Natchitoches, 1729–1803, and Natchitoches Colonials.
24. Bucareli y Ursúa to Ripperdá, July 26, 1775, BA; Harper, “Taovayas Indians, 1769–1779,” 184.
25. Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 160–207.
26. Report of Christóbel Hilario de Córdoba, interim lieutenant at Nacogdoches, Aug. 26, 1786, and “Record of the Trade Goods Which José Guillermo Esperanza Gave to the Taboayaz Indians to Rescue a Captive Spanish Woman Named Ana María Baca, with a Separate List of Those Goods Paid Out for the Rescue of a Son of Hers,” Aug. 26, 1786, BA.
27. “Official Relation,” Oct. 29, 1770, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:216; Cabello to Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola, Oct. 5, 1786, BA. James Brooks offers a definitive study of the widespread interpenetration of Spanish and native communities through captivity, adoption, and cultural exchange in New Mexico, in Captives and Cousins, 179–93.
28. Compulsory bequests included as well the Holy Church of Jerusalem, the Brotherhood of the Most Holy Sacrament, and orphan girls. See the wills of María Melián, Dec. 3, 1738, Juan Delgado, Oct. 20, 1745, and Domingo de la Cruz, Apr. 23, 1745, within the cuaderno (notebook) of the Notary Public and Secretary of the Municipal Council, villa of San Fernando, Mar. 22, 1738, BA; will of Mateo Pérez, n.d., ca. June 1747, BA; Croix to Cabello, June 8, 1780, in expediente concerning a program for the collection of alms with which to ransom Christian captives from the Indians, June 8, 1780–Aug. 9, 1784, BA; Brodman, “Military Redemptionism and the Castilian Conquest”; Rodriguez, “Financing a Captive’s Ransom.”
29. Teodoro de Croix, “General Report of 1781,” in Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier, 76; bando of the Lord Commandant General, Felipe de Neve, May 8, 1784, and Rengel to Cabello, Apr. 30, 1785, BA.
30. Bando of the commandant general, Neve to Cabello, Apr. 28, 1784, and Cabello to Neve, May 8, Aug. 3, 1784, BA; Domingo Cabello, notice and record of money produced in the settlements of Texas through alms collected since the month of September of the year 1784, Dec. 31, 1784, Dec. 31, 1785, BA; “Proceedings Conducted in Order to Establish a Deposit for the Alms Collected in the Towns of the Presidio de Béxar, Villa of San Fernando, Presidio of La Bahía del Espíritu Santo, and Pueblo of Nacogdoches since the End of the Month of September 1784, . . . for the Ransom of Captives among the Savage Indians in Accordance with the Orders of the Lord Commandant General of These Internal Provinces, Issued June 7th of the Present Year, 1786,” BA; Luis Mariano Menchaca, “Report and Account of the Funds Produced in the Settlements of Texas by the Alms Collected from January of 1786 . . . for the Ransom of Christian Captives Who Are among the Savage Indians,” Jan. 28, 1788, BA.
31. Minutes and resolutions of the third junta de guerra, held in Chihuahua, June 9–15, 1778, BA.
32. Grappe, “Expedition to the Kichai,” 75.
33. “Diary of Pedro Vial, Béxar to Santa Fe,” Oct 4, 1786–May 26, 1787, in Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 275–76.
34. Qui Te Sain, “Words of the Great Chief of the Village of the Taovayas Addressed to Their Father Don Bernardo de Gálvez,” Nov. 4, 1780, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 2:392; Domingo Cabello to José Antonio Rengel, Feb. 18, 20, Mar. 20, Apr. 1, 1785, BA; Rengel to Cabello, Apr. 30, 1785, BA; Domingo Cabello, instructions to Antonio Gil Ybarbo, José María de Armant, and Andrés Benito Courbière, Apr. 4, 1785, BA.
35. See Weber, Bárbaros, 148–51, 156–59, for a brief summary. See also Griffen, Apaches at War and Peace, 61, 69; and Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier.
36. Gregory, “Eighteenth-Century Caddoan Archaeology,” 70; Céliz, Diary of the Alarcón Expedition, 78; Solís, “Diary of a Visit of Inspection,” 62; Ripperdá to Mézières, Oct. 7, 1771, declaration of Gorgoritos, Bidai chief, Dec. 21, 1770, Ripperdá to Unzaga y Amezaga, Dec. 31, 1771, report of Athanase de Mézières to Barón de Ripperdá, July 4, 1772, and Ripperdá to Bucareli y Ursúa, July 6, 1772, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:255–56, 260–62, 266–67, 305, 328; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 80, 113.
37. Mézières to Croix, Nov. 15, 1778, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 2:231–32; Cabello to Croix, Sept. 3, 1779, Croix to Cabello, Nov. 24, 1779, and Cabello to Croix, Nov. 30, 1779, BA; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 78–79.
38. Croix to Cabello, Nov. 24, 1779, Cabello to Croix, Aug. 17 (for quote), Nov. 30, 1780, BA; strength report and daily record of occurrences at the presidio of San Antonio de Béxar, June 1783, BA.
39. Strength reports and daily records of occurrences, Sept. 30, 1782, Sept. 30, 1783, BA; Cabello to Felipe de Neve, Mar. 20, Sept. 20, 1784, and Antonio Leal to Manuel Muñoz, July 10, 1794, BA; John, Storms Brewed in Other Men’s Worlds, 635–36.
40. Mézières to the governor of Louisiana, Luis Unzaga y Amezaga, May 15, 1770, Unzaga y Amezaga to Mézières, June 1, 1770, José de la Peña to Unzaga y Amezaga, Sept. 14, 1772, and investigation of the murder of two Tuacana Indians, Aug. 1775, in Bolton, Athanase de Mézières, 1:102, 109, 160–63, 171–73, 2:21, 119; Tjarks, “Comparative Demographic Analysis of Texas,” 324–26, 331, 335–37; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 80; Derrick and Wilson, “Effects of Epidemic Disease.”
41. Croix to Cabello, Feb. 1, 1780, BA; Cabello to Pedro Piernas, Jan. 13, 1783, in Kinnaird, Spain in the Mississippi Valley, 3:69–70; Cabello to Neve, July 15, 1784, Cabello to José Antonio Rengel, Sept. 19, 1785, Jan. 25, 1786, Cabello’s instructions to Ybarbo, Armant, and Courbière, Apr. 4, 1785, Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola to Cabello, Aug. 3, Oct. 5, Nov. 20, 1786, and Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, June 26, July 3, Sept. 10, 1786, BA; La Vere, Caddo Chiefdoms, 58, 90.
42. Croix, “General Report of 1781,” Oct. 30, 1781, in Thomas, Teodoro de Croix and the Northern Frontier, 43, 89, 97; Griffen, Apaches at War and Peace; Gálvez, Instructions for Governing the Interior Provinces of New Spain; Moorhead, Apache Frontier.
43. Petition and judicial proceedings against Sebastián Monjaras, Dec. 15, 1774, legal proceedings in the case of contraband tobacco from Natchitoches, Apr. 9, 1775, and criminal proceedings against Pedro Leal and Carlos Riojas for being engaged in unlawful trade, June 10, 1775, BA.
44. Cabello to Croix, May 14, 1779, Aug. 20, Sept. 3, 1779, June 17, 1780, BA.
45. Moorhead, Presidio, 185–89, 207; C. Castañeda, Our Catholic Heritage in Texas, 4:237–38; order regarding uniforms of the presidial companies, July 21, 1777, and methods for administering the interests of the presidial and flying companies, Aug. 16, 1777, BA.
46. Cabello to Croix, Mar. 18, 1779, Cabello to Neve, June 20, 1784, Rafael Martínez Pacheco to Juan de Ugalde, Dec. 9, 1787, Cabello to Croix, June 17, 1780, strength report and daily record of occurrences, Feb. 1784, and Cabello to Jacobo Ugarte y Loyola, June 12, 1786, BA. For more on the influential Menchaca family, see Teja, San Antonio de Béxar, 27, 104, 113–16; and Chabot, With the Makers of San Antonio, 103–5.
47. Domingo Cabello, “Informe,” Sept. 30, 1784, Provincias Internas, vol. 64, pt. 1, AGMUT; Ugarte y Loyola to Cabello, Aug. 3, 1786, Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, Sept. 11, 25, 1786, Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Sept. 29, 1787, and Cabello to Croix, Oct. 20, 1780, BA.
48. Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Dec. 29, 1786, Sept. 29, Dec. 9, 1787, Jan. 7, 1788, fray José Raphael Oliva to Martínez Pacheco, Feb. 11, 1787, Martínez Pacheco to Oliva, Feb. 14, 1787, memorial from the government of the villa of San Fernando and the Royal Presidio of San Antonio de Béxar to Governor Martínez Pacheco, regarding the people’s right to the mesteña horses and cattle of Texas, 1787, and Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Oct. 12, 1787, BA.
49. Ugarte y Loyola to Martínez Pacheco, Feb. 1, 1787, “Report on the Gifts and Food Provided to the Lipan Indians from December 27 of the Proximate Past Year of 1786 up to Today, February 1787,” BA.
50. Ugarte y Loyola to Martínez Pacheco, Feb. 1, 1787, “Report on the Gifts and Food Provided . . . February 1787,” Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Mar. 10, 1787, report of fray José Francisco López, Oct. 15, 1787, Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Sept. 29, 1787, Mar. 31, 1788, report on expenditures made on the Lipan Indians between Feb. 24 and Apr., 1787, and report on expenditures made for the Lipan Indians who live in the mission village of San Antonio Valero, May 1–June 30, 1787, BA.
51. Expedientes containing copies of correspondence between Martínez Pacheco and Lieutenant Curbelo, Sept. 19–25, 1787, and Sept. 21–28, 1787, and Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Sept. 29, 1787, BA. For the first and last troop assignments to the Lipan villages, see summary of the inspection passed on the cavalry company of the royal presidio of San Antonio de Béxar, May, June, July 1787, and report showing the total number of troops and assignments in the province of Texas, June 26, 1806, BA.
52. Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Dec. 9, 21, 1787, Jan. 7, Feb. 16, 1788, and Ugalde to Martínez Pacheco, Feb. 29, 1787, BA.
53. Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Dec. 9, 1787, May 29, July 6, 1788, logs of the events taking place at the presidio of San Antonio de Béxar pertaining to the Department of War, compiled from what occurred during the months of Sept., Nov., Dec. 1788, and Jan. 1789, strength reports and daily records of occurrences at the presidio of San Antonio de Béxar for 1789 onward, BA; San José book of burials, fray José Manuel Pedrajo to Governor Manuel Muñoz, May 8, 1791, Lieutenant Bernardo Fernández to Muñoz, May 9, 1791, Pedrajo to Muñoz, June 8, 1791, and Fernández to Muñoz, June 10, 1791, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 1:203, 263–68, 273–76; fray José Mariano Roxo to Muñoz, Nov. 29, 1791, Commandant General Pedro de Nava to Muñoz, July 4, 1793, and fray José Mariano de Cardenas to Muñoz, Jan. 14, 1799, in ibid., 2:5–6, 225–27.
54. Cabello to José Antonio Rengel, Nov. 25, 1785, and summary of occurrences in New Mexico concerning the peace with the western Comanches from the 12th day of July 1785 when four hundred individuals from the said nation presented themselves at the Pueblo of Taos, Dec. 31, 1785, BA; Rivaya-Martínez, “Comanche-Spanish Treaty of 1786,” 114–19; Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 74–79.
55. Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Feb. 16, 1788, BA; “Itinerary and Diary of José Mares, Béxar to Santa Fe,” Jan. 18–Apr. 27, 1788, in Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 307; Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Mar. 10, 1787, BA; Brooks, Captives and Cousins, 60, 63, 160–91.
56. Cabello to Rengel, Dec. 9, 24, 1785, Jan. 10, 24, Feb. 20, Apr. 24, July 30, Aug. 31, Sept. 25, 1786, BA.
57. Cabello to Rengel, Dec. 9, 1785, BA.
58. Ibid.
59. Cabello to Rengel, Dec. 24, 1785, BA.
60. Cabello to Rengel, Jan. 10, 1786, and Rengel to Cabello, Feb. 27, 1786, BA.
61. Cabello to Rengel, Apr. 24, 1786, BA.
62. Cabello to Rengel, Mar. 14, Apr. 24, July 31, 1786, Ugarte y Loyola to Cabello, Sept. 28, 1786, and Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, Dec. 2, 1786, BA.
63. Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, July 16, July 30, Aug. 28, 1786, and strength reports and daily records of occurrences at the presidio of San Antonio de Béxar, July 1786, Aug. 1786, BA.
64. Strength reports and daily records of occurrences, Aug. 1786, and Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, Sept. 11, 1786, BA.
65. Strength reports and daily records of occurrences, Aug. 1786, and Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, Sept. 11, 1786, BA.
66. Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, July 16, Sept. 24, 25, 1786, and Domingo Cabello, “Report of the Items Which Have Been Presented to 3 Chiefs of the Comanche Nation, and to 19 Indians and 9 Indian [Women] of the Same [Nation],” Sept. 25, 1786, BA; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 120.
67. Cabello to Ugarte y Loyola, Sept. 24, 1786, BA.
68. Ibid.
69. Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Sept. 29, 1787, “Testimony of the Certification Given by the Illustrious cabildo, justicia y regimiento of the Villa of San Fernando and the Royal Presidio of San Antonio de Béxar to the Interim Governor, don Raphael Martínez Pacheco, regarding the State of the Province of Texas on the 3rd of December of the Proximate Past Year, When He Took Command of It,” Aug. 27–28, 1787, and Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Oct. 15, 1787, BA.
70. Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Oct. 12, 27, 1787, Jan. 7, 1788, and reports on the gifts and food offered visitors from the Comanche Nation, Jan. 31, Mar. 31, Apr. 11, June 5, Oct. 21, Nov. 5, Dec. 14, 26, 1787, BA. This list only includes reports from Pacheco’s first year in office, but such records continued through 1807.
71. Vial’s expedition diary makes clear that Spaniards did not choose to travel by the shortest route but by “the route on which the settlements and villages of the Indians [Comanches] are located.” “Diary of Pedro Vial, Béxar to Santa Fe,” Oct. 4, 1786–May 26, 1787, in Loomis and Nasatir, Pedro Vial and the Roads to Santa Fe, 282–85; see also 323, 338, 472, 490–92, 498, 531; Morfi, History of Texas, 1:88–89; Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Oct. 12, 1787, report of the gifts and food provided to Comanches, Oct. 21, 1787, and Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Jan. 18, 19, 21, 1788, BA; José Cortés, Views from the Apache Frontier, 82.
72. Governor of Texas, Rafael Martínez Pacheco, reports on expenditures, Apr. 30, Sept. 3, 1787, Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Sept. 17, 1787, Aug. 17, 1789, Juan José Curbelo, list of peaceable Indians visiting Béjar pesidio and receiving gifts and food, Mar. 31, 1805, and list of friendly Indians visiting Béxar and receiving gifts and food, Nov. 30, 1805, José Joaquín Ugarte, schedule of supplies for Indian presents on hand December 1804 and those issued during 1805 to friendly tribes of North and to Comanches [at Nacogdoches], Dec. 31, 1805, and Ugarte, inventory of goods given to Indians during 1806, Mar. 20, 1807, BA.
73. Reports of Governor Martínez Pacheco, Mar. 31, Sept. 3, 1787, June 30, 1789, and Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Sept. 17, 1787, Oct. 13, 1788, Mar. 2, Aug. 17, 1789, BA.
74. “Report on the Effects Purchased from the Individuals Listed in Each of the Entries Expressed Below, for Giving to the Indians,” Oct. 20–21, 1787, May 14, 1788, BA; “Report on the Work Which I, Francisco Orendáin, Master Armorer of the Presidial Company of San Antonio de Béjar, Have Performed for the Indians Who Entered in Peace into This Province from January 1, 1789 to July 10, 1790,” BA; Martínez Pacheco to Ugarte y Loyola, Oct. 27, 1787, BA; “Report on the Gifts and Food Provided to Three Comanche Indians Who Stayed at This Presidio on December 24, 1787, Four from the Same Nation Who Arrived the Same Day, Two Who Arrived on the 28th of the Said Month, Twenty-two Chiefs, Thirty Warriors, Thirty-three women, and Seven Children Who Arrived on the 29th of the Said Month, and Two More Who Arrived on the 13th of January of This Year, All of Whom Left on the 18th of Said Month,” Feb. 29, 1788, BA.
75. Dionisio Valle, diary of events at Nacogdoches for June 1805, July 1, 1805, BA; Elizabeth A. H. John, “Independent Indians and the San Antonio Community,” in Poyo and Hinojosa, Tejano Origins, 126, 129; John, “Nurturing the Peace.”
76. Martínez Pacheco to Ugalde, Mar. 3, 1788, and Francisco Viana to the governor of Texas, Antonio Cordero, Jan. 24, 1806, BA.
1. Gutiérrez, When Jesus Came; Brooks, Captives and Cousins; Kessell, “Spaniards and Pueblos”; White, Middle Ground; Usner, Indians, Settlers, and Slaves; Calloway, One Vast Winter Count; Merrell, Indians’ New World; Richter, Facing East from Indian Country; Gallay, Indian Slave Trade.
2. Here, I am paraphrasing Louis Montrose, from his essay “Work of Gender in the Discourse of Discovery,” 2. See also Zamora, “Gender and Discovery”; and Bucher, Icon and Conquest.
3. Perdue, Cherokee Women; Schroeder, Wood, and Haskett, Indian Women of Early Mexico; Shoemaker, Negotiators of Change, and “Rise or Fall of Iroquois Women”; K. Anderson, Chain Her by One Foot; A. Castañeda, “Sexual Violence in the Politics”; Devens, Countering Colonization; A. Klein, “Plains Truth”; Silverblatt, Moon, Sun and Witches.
4. Powers, Women in the Crucible of Conquest; Socolow, Women of Colonial Latin America; K. Brown, “Anglo-Algonquian Gender Frontier”; Perdue, “Columbus Meets Pocahontas”; K. Hall, Things of Darkness; Hendricks and Parker, Women, “Race,” and Writing; McClintock, Imperial Leather; Mohanty, “Under Western Eyes”; K. Brown, Good Wives, Nasty Wenches; Morgan, Laboring Women.
5. Twinam, Public Lives, Private Secrets; Sleeper-Smith, Indian Women and French Men; Thorne, Many Hands of My Relations; J. Brown, Strangers in Blood; Van Kirk, Many Tender Ties; Peterson and Brown, New Peoples; Stoler, “Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power,” Race and the Education of Desire, and “Sexual Affronts and Racial Frontiers”; Young, Colonial Desire.
6. Weber, Bárbaros, 11.
7. Padilla, “Report on the Barbarous Indians of the Province of Texas,” Dec. 27, 1819, in Hatcher, “Texas in 1820,” 48–49, 54, 56, 57, 59, 60; Weber, Bárbaros, 15; Adams, “Embattled Borderland,” and “At the Lion’s Mouth”; Reséndez, Changing National Identities at the Frontier, 47.
8. John, “Nurturing the Peace,” 354–55, 361–62; Kavanagh, Comanche Political History, 151, 196–98; Antonio Cordero to Commandant General Nemesio de Salcedo, June 16, 1806, Jan. 28, 1807, Mar. 31, 1807, BA; report of the Texas missions by fray Bernardino Vallejo, Feb. 11, 1815, in Leutenegger and Habig, San José Papers, 3:23–24; Reséndez, Changing National Identities at the Frontier, 49, 57–58.